This Land is Your Land: A Darkest Hour: Kaiserreich AAR

Chapter One: Operation Torch (April 1941)

Excerpt from Pied-Rouge: A Memoir by Claude Boulé

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I did not sleep the whole night before. I thought I knew what anxiety was, having spent horrid hours wondering if the next attack would cost me my life, or if the police forces were just around the corner. This was a hundred times worse. Now I not only feared for my life and the lives of my comrades, but I feared that an error on my part might mean the failure of Operation Torch.

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I found a dark spot overlooking both the city and our prearranged meeting point. I went over the information I had for our contacts so I wouldn't forget to bring anything up that might decide the success of the operation. I kept a look out for Ali, hoping no cruel fate had befallen him.

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Ali appeared after an hour or so and sat next to me overlooking the city from our secluded spot. He hadn't slept either and after a half hour of business talk, we finally just settled into recounting old stories to keep each other awake. Ali was a member of the FLN while I was in the BPR. Our organizations had occasionally frosty relations, but our mutual hatred for and persecution by the state united us at the time. When it became clear that the Internationale invasion was eminent, an alliance was forged. In our city, the friendship between Ali and I was the basis of our local cells' integration.

In Bona, or Annaba as they call it these days, we had a pretty easy task at first. Tracking the movements of the local garrison wasn't challenging. The Bona garrison was accustomed to being ignored, given the troubles in the south and the importance of Tunis or Algiers. A militia of locals, mostly old men ineligible for conscription, kept the peace in Bona, and they had grown lazy from the inaction. The initial ease should have foretold the responsibilities that were laid on us next. Bona was a perfect target for Operation Torch.

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After an hour of idle talk, we saw the first explosions in the distance. The operation was beginning. The sirens sounded, the city became pitch black other than searchlights, and anti-aircraft cannons began to fire. This was part preparation and part decoy. Amidst the bombers was a plane containing two men who we were going to meet shortly.

Finally Ali saw the two figures parachuting down from the sky, barely visible when backlit by explosions in the sky. The two of them actually saw us before we saw them and approached us already knowing who we were. There was a Frenchman and a dark-skinned fellow. His complexion suggested a mixed ancestry. An American?

After pleasantries were exchanged with our new comrades, who were named Albert and Pierre, I had to inquire to the reason for Albert's presence. I asked him if he was an observer with the Communal Army.

This made him laugh. Pierre then remarked that he in fact was the observer of the two. It took a second for me to realize what they meant. This wasn't a French operation. The Americans were coming.

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We had always assumed the mainland French would come. Why wouldn't they? But it really made perfect sense. If the French had their elite troops deployed in Algeria, the Germans might smell blood on the mainland. The German intelligence services were focused on the French army's troop movements. The Americans assuming responsibility for the operation avoided the problem of compromising the defense of the mainland and also avoided raising eyebrows if American divisions moved onto the border to fill in the holes left. Nobody expected the Americans to launch an invasion of North Africa so soon after the Great North American War had ended. It was brilliant.

After we briefed the pair, they set up their equipment and began to transmit information to the fleet offshore. The distant rumble of naval cannons pierced the early dawn. I had spent so long studying the positions of army positions across the city that I could tell which ones were being hit.

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The poor bastards down there really stood no chance. They were a pretty green force all told, they hadn't been deployed against the Tuareg rebellion and were low on the priority list for heavy weapons. They were old men playing at soldiering, whether to fulfill their patriotic duty or to feel like a big man with the authority to harass the local population. On the other hand, the swarm of small craft I could see in the bay contained the best the American Red Army had to offer: the Revolutionary Marines.

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The militia was equipped with the castoffs of the main army, which didn't have the most modern equipment to begin with. They were outgunned, outmanned and outclassed as they were bombarded by sea, air and land.

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They abandoned their posts in droves and evacuated towards Constantine to await the arrival of more experienced reinforcements. The Marines didn't have to fight very hard for the city. After the initial spectacle had passed, Ali and I made our way down from the hills to the city, to reconnect with our brethren. The Arab population was in a revolt of its own, the FLN having been preparing for this for months.

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The white population was in a state of chaos. Many fled, afraid they would be killed by either vengeful locals or the boogeymen they believed to be landing on the beaches to the east. There was a sizable minority of whites who were either members of or sympathetic to the BPR and many of them were already taking control of the city center when I arrived there. There was only token resistance by a few hardcore police who refused to stand down.

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The Americans rolled into the city a few hours later. I had already begun to clear some of the more overzealous comrades out of the police headquarters in order to make it available for use as a Red Army HQ. When a few cars rolled up to the police headquarters waving the red and black of the Combined Syndicates, the crowd erupted into cheers. A few hours after that, a number of celebrating Arabs began to pour into the square and mingle with the BPR in a scene of joy. It was the last day that Bona would be a segregated city.

Albert and Pierre were in one of the cars. I recognized the man sitting behind them. It was George Marshall, a man whose legend had grown throughout the free world, 'The Man Who Gave Us North America' as one of my smuggled issues of L'Humanité called him. Albert pointed us out, and Marshall introduced himself and motioned for us to enter the police headquarters with him.

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Ali and I stood at attention, waiting for orders, until Marshall said something in perfect French that took us both off guard.

"Gentlemen, Ali and Claude, is it? On behalf of the American Red Army, I would like to thank you both for your assistance today. I'm honored to join this war on your behalf and I would be further grateful if the both of you would advise me. The FLN and BPR know far more of this nation than we ever could."

I was flabbergasted and couldn't say anything until Ali finally walked over to a map of Algeria and Tunisia that one of Marshall's aides had sprawled across the departed commandant's desk.

"The FLN has begun a revolt everywhere we could get enough people on board to stand a chance. Our hopes are that this will hinder the Imperial army's ability to respond to the operation. However, we don't have the ammunition to fight for a long period of time and so it'd be best if the Red Army could act quickly. The local garrison was retreating towards Constantine last we saw of them. If we do not capture Constantine, then we can expect that city to be used as a staging ground for reinforcements from both Tunisia and Algeria. If we do, then we'll be close to separating Tunis and Algiers, and then the Imperial Army will not be able to unite their forces."

Marshall considered his words and nodded before speaking to an aide.

"Tell Law to move out to Constantine as soon as possible."

He turned to us again.

"Do you know of any gasoline stockpiles around here?"

This time I opened my mouth.

"I'm afraid the only ones I'm aware of were likely destroyed in the bombardment, sir."

He nodded.

"Yes, I didn't think they would abandon everything the way they did. We'll just have to work harder to establish supply lines with the Marx Corps then."

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He asked us many more questions about everything from enemy presence in Tunisia to relations between the white and Arab populations. I expected to get told what I had to do, but instead I ended up telling him what to do.

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The both of us moved out with him when the storied Benjamin Franklin Corps left the city the next morning.

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The motorized Karl Marx Corps was moving south towards the Kasserine Pass as we moved west along the coastline.

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The industrial might of the Combined Syndicates was evident to us as the reports rolled in of captured towns along the road to Gabes, far faster than we thought an army could move. They got all the way to the outskirts of Gabes before encountering any resistance. That resistance didn't last long either.

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The closest thing the Imperial Army had to the Karl Marx Corps was an elite cavalry division that moved to Bougie from Algiers before the Revolutionary Marines could secure the city.

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This gave the Imperial Army time to put the bodies of the beleaguered Bona garrison onto the front lines and to move up an infantry division containing some of the enemy's few armored brigades.

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With further reinforcements moving east from Algiers, it was clear the Revolutionary Marines wouldn't be able to cut it on their own against what could be up to seven divisions.

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The joy of the capture of Bona had subsided by the time we captured Beja. The Corps had barely had time to establish themselves before departing for Beja, and now there would be no time for the marching men to catch their breath in Beja before moving on to Tunis. The minarets in the skyline of the Empire's second city loomed in the distance, as our heavy artillery began to soften up the enemy.

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The hope was for the Karl Marx Corps to flank from the south, but first the Marx Corps had to wipe out the enemy in southern Tunisia. The enemy was trapped in the southern tip of Tunisia, captured between unwelcoming Arab towns flying FLN colors and the Sahara desert.

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Tunis was a much larger city than Bona, and there was actually resistance. As we advanced deeper into the city, the enemy abandoned trenches and instead fired on us from building windows. General Marshall would remark to me that this was true urban fighting, something unlike anything that had happened in America. Our situation was helped by the presence of the American fleet. The distant explosion of two French cruisers in the harbor gave our men a morale boost and shook the enemy to the core. The elimination of that resistance meant that soon enemy positions were being bombarded much like they were in Bona.

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The order to truly press the attack came when we received reports that the Karl Marx Corps had accomplished its objectives and was on the move north.

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We were bypassing Bizerte while advancing on Tunis and thus there was some urgency to capture the city before those divisions could escape.

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One of those divisions did make it out, but the Karl Marx Corps arrived shortly thereafter to finish the deal.

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The enemy gave a general evacuation order covering Tunisia. Tunis was ours, but the true prize was the five divisions that were now doing their best to make it back to Algeria. It had only been a few weeks since the invasion had begun, but for those of us lucky enough to be in the liberated areas at the time, the occupation of the Imperial army felt like a distant memory. That century old reality melted away towards what felt like a glorious new age. We should have known it wouldn't be as simple as that.

 
Chapter Two: Two Fish Fight for Dry Land (May 1941)

These surviving notes from Benjamin Gitlow's pen are apparently from the early days of the West African War. Some were meant as reminders to himself, while others were messages for others in the administration. Chairman Gitlow was unfairly regarded as an ungifted writer and public speaker, perhaps because he was continuously compared to Chairman Reed by his contemporaries. However, as you can see, his private writing style was certainly brusque and to the point. The letters are originals. No flash photography please.

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Norman:


Why am I reading about the recapture of Constantine in the Proletarian only an hour after I first heard of it myself? Where are these papers getting this info? Plug wherever its coming from.



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Helen:


 


I've had enough of hearing about how losing Constantine is a great disaster that'll doom the operation. Play up our successes around Tunis, shut these idiots up.



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Carlo:


 


Tell the Chamber that Tunisia will get self governance once the southern half of the country is under control. No need to mention Kasserine Pass as a specific issue. Feel free to attach my name, it'll do a bit to assure FLN of our good intentions as well as keep certain idiot deputies focused on me instead of bothering you.



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Helen:


 


I know its just a light cruiser but our boys got a damn fine picture of the Canterbury going down. Put it out as soon as possible. There's people all over the world who want to see us dead and the people need to be reminded of that lest they start listening to the anarchist nonsense that we don't need a professional military.



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Two notes from Law and Marshall. Marshall complaining about Law overstepping his objectives, Law complaining about lack of support. Did Lincoln ever have to deal with this kind of crap? If it gets out, the anti-militarization types will use it as ammo against us.



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William:


 


I am not going to prosecute a journalist for publishing the pictures of our retreat from Sousse. Keep your allegations of 'defeatism' to yourself and keep your people away from the Post's offices or I might have to consider speaking to Carlo about increasing penalties for 'intimidation of the press'. I'll not have you causing a goddamn witch hunt in Manhattan. Don't test our friendship.



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Go to Miami or don't? I don't think its a secret that we'll be sending reinforcements, because apparently Comrade Marshall can't fart without the papers printing it. Some kind of speech could improve morale and foster the unity in our armed forces we're looking for. I just can't imagine that public opinion wouldn't look positively on us giving our military the support they need.



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Norman:


 


The FLN broke into the offices of the Imperial police and found a message about the divisions we just sent out, with far too many details. Find the leak and plug it. Bona is already under intensified attack because of this, the bastards  are trying to disrupt our supply depots before Rose shows up. We'll look like goddamn fools if this gets blown because of that leak.



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They made it. I'll have a drink and sleep soundly for once to celebrate.



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Carlo:


 


How the hell do these Chamber rats keep finding out about our troop movements right after I do? Before they even make a formal complaint, tell them that our current deployment will almost certainly be enough to finish the job and no more divisions will be sent over without their authorization. Steal their headlines, the pricks.



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Another report in the Proletarian about shortages in the Ben Franklin Corps. This might be too far, they're practically inviting the Imperials to attack them. This muckraking bullshit has to at least wait until its not of operational significance anymore. Can't overstep though. Certainly can't jail, just have to make them look like idiots who aren't concerned with the safety of our troops.



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"I find it disgraceful that our troops aren't more prepared for the conditions in the Sahara" he says


 


i guess I was supposed to recruit fucking Bedouins


 


idiot



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If irritating Chamber deputies are the sickness, then news of monarchist rats being intercepted outside Algiers is the antidote.


Beginning to think I should just stop going over to the Chamber, I'm going to get an ulcer.



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Message from Law that hes running into Tuareg raiders. Can't wait for the mess this will turn into in the Chamber. Half of them will call me an imperialist for trying to occupy the area and the other half will wonder why we can't magically turn nomadic tribes into an enlightened socialist society overnight.



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Kasserine Pass has finally been pacified, Tunisia can be handed over to the FLN as soon as next week I'm told. One set of problems ends, another begins though. The French are complaining that the BPR don't get more influence, the Muslim Brotherhood is gathering strength in the vacuum left by the Empire and even the FLN don't trust the mainland French and by extension us. North Africa makes the Deep South seem uncomplicated in comparison. At least then, we knew that we absolutely had to be there and the oppressed populations were glad to see us. I'm still not sure that this was even the right decision. Only the BPR are completely supportive of us here, everybody else has some kind of major complaint. We're committed now though, so I suppose there is not much use in vacillating over decisions that have been made. There's plenty more decisions to come.
 
Chapter Three: Free Algeria(June-July 1941)

National Public Radio StoryCorps "The Wars" Project: Recording #726

<START RECORDING>

I'm here with Thomas Leggett in Toledo, Ohio and we're here to talk about his experience during the wars. Mr. Leggett, would you like to introduce yourself?

Sure, sure, I was part of the Foreign Affairs Bureau from 1951 to 1985 and before that, I was a commissar with the Red Army. I was twenty four in Cleveland when the civil war broke out, and would have liked to fight with the infantry but I had horrid vision and with all that was going on, I couldn't get myself any kind of glasses that would help me shoot accurately at range. The commander of the Cleveland militia was a family friend though, so he told me I could be his assistant and keep tabs on the different shops that made up the unit.

What do you remember from the civil war?

Honestly, I can't say I have many interesting stories from the civil war, I was basically a message runner and occasionally a spy for the commander. After professionalization and during Mexico, I was made an official commissar but still basically acted as a gopher for my superiors. I did well enough during the North American War to get my own responsibilities. When Algeria rolled around, I was really in a position to make my mark.

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What was Algeria like?

I worked under General Marshall there. Marshall was a dream to work for. His vision for the commissars was for us to be ambassadors and scouts, rather than the ideological enforcers that they were in the Communal Army. We were to simply collect information, learn as much as we could about the units we were assigned to, figure out what was affecting morale and try to improve the relationship between the locals and our troops. Once we had a good understanding, we would report back to headquarters then cycle to another unit and learn even more. It was rewarding stuff.

We showed up in Algeria about three weeks after the first landings and spread out to all the different units. I was assigned to part of the Revolutionary Marines first, just as they were beginning to push the attack west for the first time.

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What was that like?

When I arrived, they were cleaning up Bougie or Bejara or whatever the hell its called these days. The Imperial forces were in a pretty sad state by this point so the most difficult task was managing the newly liberated local population.

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How do you mean?

Well, the colonial regime had been in power for just about a century at this point, so the sudden and violent removal of that regime left a huge power vacuum.

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Each town and city that we occupied had different issues and a different history to tackle. Some towns had large settler populations and some had barely any. Some towns were practically running themselves, others were having trouble keeping the peace.

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Any examples in particular come to mind?

Well, I remember that the FLN and the Red Foots.. Feet? Well, they were doing a pretty good job in Bougie, for whatever reason. But then I remember in Djelfa, the Brotherhood more or less ran the place.

The Muslim Brotherhood?

Yes, the one and only. Everybody seems to think that they just appeared out of nowhere in the sixties and started shooting up Baghdad and Cairo but they were laying the groundwork for their eventual influence starting in the twenties and thirties. Smart operators, they were.

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How so?

They were ready to take over in the interior pretty much the minute we cleared out the enemy. They were setting up everything in that Islamist way but were cooperative with us. They knew that our principles were incompatible with theirs, but they didn't initiate the confrontation. They waited for us or the FLN to try and impose what we had in mind, then they painted us as merely the new colonial regime. Whatever you want to say about Islamic rule, its certainly more native than a bunch of Westerners showing up to tell you that your ways are no good.

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How much did they interfere with the Red Army?

Like I said, hardly at all, at least in the short term. They were playing the long game, and as we know, it paid dividends well into the eighties. We were pretty much free to move onto Algiers, which is where things got really interesting.

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What do you remember from the Battle of Algiers?

I remember seeing the first fractures in Algerian society, excepting the obvious fear among the conservative settler population. The FLN had been fighting in the capital ever since the landings and when we showed up with the BPR in tow, there was obvious friction there.

Did you side, at least in your heart of hearts, with one or the other?

No, honestly, I didn't. The BPR were our comrades, through and through. We could speak with them in the same way we spoke with others from the Internationale, and I personally never lost faith that socialism was the way for Algeria, just as it was for us. I felt for the FLN too, even though they didn't particularly trust us. They were the locals, they weren't the settlers, and Marshall always said that they were the key to lasting peace in Algeria. Replacing one white regime with another wasn't going to help anything. I felt like they could work together effectively, though I can't say I'm surprised that the BPR got sidelined the way they eventually did. They had a certain... smugness to them. As if ideological correctness entitles you to power.

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Any lasting images in your mind from the Battle?

A lot has been made of the looting of Napoleon's ludicrous palace, but I would say the flight of the Imperial Navy from the port of Algiers. A pretty glorious moment as I remember it. The insurrection had forced the Imperial Army into just a few heavily garrisoned sections of the city. Once we brought our heavy guns into range of the city center, they had to surrender and their Navy steamed out of port as rapidly as I'd ever seen ships move, to Dakar, I think they went.

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They were able to break through our blockade, but at the cost of three battleships. Still though, damn near the whole population of the city crowded the shoreline and cheered as they left. Those ships had always been there, a hulking symbol of the colonialists' power. And then suddenly they were gone. It was the day that the population and nation really felt like they were free, I think. Its something I won't ever forget.

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What was the aftermath of that moment like?

There was that honeymoon I think, every time a magical moment like that happens. Like the day after we won the World Cup, there's that time where a good mood permeates everything. Then reality sets back in.

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The Brotherhood was growing in influence, and we still had to cut off the enemy and liberate all of Algeria. It was amazing, but it was short lived. The mistrust, the competition between secularism, socialism, Islamism, so on and so forth. That came back in no time.

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Anything else to say about Algeria?

Beautiful country. I went back about ten years ago to Oran. In the winter, thank God. Remember, this whole operation was done during the summer of '41, I damn near died of heat exposure once we got away from the coast.

Did you visit any place of significance there? Something from the war?

Yes. I visited a memorial that stands at the site where General Rose officially accepted the surrender of what had to be over seventy thousand men. I was there for that. The Imperials were crushed, and I almost felt bad for them.

Why?

I don't know. I guess it depended. Some of them were exiles from the mainland, I didn't feel for them, they picked the wrong side and paid for it. But some of them were born there. It's hard to say that Algeria was any less their homeland than the Arabs. The Red Foots and FLN were so ready to execute the lot of them, but Marshall was able to work out some kind of deal with the mainland French. A lot of them ended up resettled in France. I mean, a whole lot ended up hanged for things done to the locals, or even atrocities from the French Revolution. But I felt good that some of the good ones caught up in a bad situation weren't condemned for it.

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What was that like, visiting the memorial?

Poignant. There was a hotel at the site during the war, until the Brotherhood blew it up in that big spree in... '73? Now its a park, with some statues. Mainly Arab resistance heroes from the insurrections, but Marshall and Rose got their own too. Hell of a spot to see the General.

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I did a hell of a lot of work in North Africa during the sixties, almost got clipped by the Brotherhood a couple times, didn't always know if what I was trying to do was appreciated or even the right thing to do. But seeing that Arabic script underneath the image of two American heroes, it drove home the point that we played such a big part in freeing those people from that awful Imperial regime. We broke those sons of bitches, and it feels good to know that the American blood spilled in the Maghreb is remembered in Algeria, whatever sins we may have committed in later years.

<silence>

Mr. Leggett?

That's all I have to say about Algeria, at least today. I don't know if I can take any more memories today. Good luck with your project, son.

Thank you, sir.

 
Chapter Four: The Saharan Expedition (August-November 1941)

de Volkstrant, August 12, 1941

The American Chamber Reconvenes Monday

All You Need To Know

Elections and votes always have significance across borders, but typically not as much as the votes currently being held in union halls across the Combined Syndicates of America. The votes were called for by General Secretary Carlo Tresca after weeks of paralysis in the Continental Chamber of Deputies over a proposal regarding the future of the American Red Army. With the threat of renewed world war consistently on the horizon, Chairman Benjamin Gitlow has pushed hard to extend the mandate for a professionalized American Red Army indefinitely and also to allow the force to operate without geographic restriction. The issue is divisive and many deputies are unwilling to cast votes without a clear consensus from their constituents. When the vote results come through, the Chamber will return from recess and the bill will finally be passed or rejected.

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18 runs here

The question specifically concerns the structure of the ground and air armies of the Combined Syndicates, collectively known as the American Red Army. None of the proposals involve the navy, which was granted a permanent and broad mandate upon its creation. The American Red Army is the successor to the Syndicate Guards, the group of ad hoc militias raised in late 1936 to fight in the civil war. The units were representative of particular unions and syndicates and fought against the United States Army and the American Union State while under an unorthodox command structure similar to the one used by the fighting units of the CNT-FAI in the recent Spanish troubles.

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Supreme Commander George Marshall is widely regarded as the architect of the professional American Red Army that has gradually replaced the Syndicate Guards since the civil war. General Marshall is a common target for criticism from those opposed to the proposals. Marshall was the most prominent of a small group of United States military officers who defected from the MacArthur junta to offer their services to the Reed regime in 1936. Most of the Syndicate Guards leadership at the time was directly elected by their troops, many having no military experience whatsoever. After the war, Marshall was chosen by the late Chairman John 'Jack' Reed as the Supreme Commander, over distinguished elected leaders like Harry Haywood. Marshall instituted standards and structure that Gitlow credits with the swift and decisive victory in the North American war. Gitlow endorses the General as 'a duty-driven man without a political ambition in his body' but he is nonetheless regarded as a dangerous remnant of the capitalist United States by many, particularly due to his role in engineering the 1937 amnesty for most of the United States Army.

After the surrender of Canada and the advent of total American dominance in North America, the role of Marshall's Red Army has become less defined, leading to calls for it to be dismantled or reduced in size. The labor movement in the Combined Syndicates has, according to University of Chicago history professor Dr. James Foster, a deep-seated mistrust of standing armies, as the pre-revolution army was often used to break strikes. Indeed, it was the Army, under the command of Douglas MacArthur, that couped the last President Hoover and set in motion the severe repression of labor unions that led to the civil war. Therefore, the direct control of military units by unions and syndicates is a jealously guarded principle, and an initial proposal to professionalize the entire military resulted in a comprehensive and embarrassing rejection by the Chamber.

Gitlow quickly regrouped and proposed the 'two-structure' concept that is essentially the proposal being voted on this week. Within the Combined Syndicates, any military unit would operate much like any other union or syndicate, meant to act as a safeguard against the central government attempting to overrule workers' democracy using force of arms. Outside the Combined Syndicates, military units would operate with a limited democracy, retaining the ability to remove abusive officers but expected to follow orders otherwise and subscribe to standards proscribed by the top brass. The compromise was presented as a contingency plan in case of general European war and seemed to be headed for passage in the Chamber.

A Referendum on Algeria?

That was until the shocking events of this past April, when American military forces invaded Algeria. This drew an immediate and vehement response from opposition factions within the Chamber, who claimed that the invasion was outside the previously granted mandate. The Gitlow camp responded by claiming that it was within the mandate because the Algiers regime had declared war on the Combined Syndicates and that, as a direct threat to the security of France and southern Italy, they were an indirect threat to North America.

In a traditionally isolationist nation wary of 'entangling alliances', the question of professionalization seems to have become a proxy for the broader issue of if the Combined Syndicates should step into its role as potentially one of the greatest powers in the world. With the Chamber unable to reach any kind of agreement on the proposal, it eventually agreed to go into a week-long recess and send the issue back all the way back down to the workers themselves. This is an unprecedented move in the Combined Syndicates and one that has been welcomed by the population.

"I'm glad that this is still a democracy." remarked one Detroit autoworker, who says he does not trust the motives of the French and plans to vote No.

"If we're going to win, we need to be united, I think. This will go a long way towards that end." said his co-worker, who plans to vote Yes.

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"I did not lay down my life during the revolution to see America become a different flavor of imperialist nation." protested another, who clearly plans to vote No.

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The Gitlow administration has attempted to counter such charges of imperialism by giving frequent speeches regarding the progress of Arab home rule, including one this week announcing the handover of many domestic functions in Algeria and Tunisia from the American Red Army to the socialist Arab resistance group, the Front de Libération National (FLN). This move was dismissed in one Chicago anarchist newspaper as merely symbolic, as the American Red Army retains control of abandoned French military posts and airfields. Whether those posts are meant to be used as a staging ground in case of European war or as a base from which to control the Algerian population is another matter of debate.

South of the Sahara?

The immediate consequence of the vote will be that it determines if the American Red Army extends operations to all of French West Africa, another issue that divides the nation. A large number of black deputies across faction lines have announced their support for such a move, drawing parallels between the white domination of black Americans in the American South with the white French dominion over black Africans in West Africa. This faction has gained a great deal of moral authority with the passage of a resolution by the mostly multiracial Caribbean Trade Union Congress endorsing American military action aimed at 'freeing the black man worldwide.' A competing resolution in the American Chamber was proposed that would instead encourage the provision of arms to local resistance groups, in the hopes that they will be able to topple the weakened Imperial regime on their own, and then provide economic assistance afterwards, a proposal that General Secretary Carlo Tresca derided as 'lending the neighbors a bucket to save their home when you're the fire chief.'

How does this affect us?

The current guiding force in American foreign policy is the so-called Reed Doctrine, which proclaims that the Western Hemisphere must be free of capitalist influence in order to safeguard the American revolution. As of now, the only 'capitalist' territories remaining outside South America are the isolated nation of Haiti and the possessions of the Netherlands.

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The debate has expanded from the West African question to theoretical situations across the world. Of particular interest is the situation unfolding in South America, a region traditionally part of the American sphere of influence. Debates have been held across the nation in which the possibility of intervention against either Colombia or Venezuela would be justified if either nation attempted to seize the Netherlands Antilles. Foreign Minister Floyd Olson caused an uproar when he said he did believe it would be justified so long as the SPAD remained both in power and on friendly terms with the Internationale, to which the party sends observers, even though the nation itself is regarded by the body as non-socialist.

The benefits of not pushing the Netherlands into alliance with Germany, he said, were well worth 'dealing with the reformist agenda of their ruling social democrats.' This type of realpolitik is anathema to many of the most radical elements in the Chamber, where resolutions denouncing colonialism of any kind are commonplace. If any such operation were to take place, it is likely that it would need to be a professional unit acting on orders, as it is difficult to imagine a militia in the Syndicate Guards mold agreeing to help preserve the position of Royal Dutch Shell for instance. Were the proposal to go through, it would theoretically give the government the ability to authorize such an action, and soldiers could be at risk of dereliction charges if they refused. To a nation that revolted once against colonial masters and again against capitalism, such a concept may be a difficult pill to swallow.

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The Reactions

"Our relationship with the Combined Syndicates is perfectly friendly, and I see no reason to expect that this issue should affect the security of either our overseas possessions or the homeland." - Prime Minister Albarda, in the Hague

"America is supremely arrogant to proclaim a Reed doctrine about their hemisphere while continually inserting themselves into European affairs with their reckless aggressions in Africa." - the Kaiser, speaking during a Riga ceremony officially annexing the Baltic territories to the Empire

"The fact that the Kaiser regards Africa as a European affair is precisely why we must be willing to use force to topple imperialist regimes." - Abraham Lincoln Corps Commander Harry Haywood

"It is hard for me to imagine how, should this proposal fail, we would be able to effectively respond to a German invasion of France within a year, a year that France may not have." - Supreme Commander George Marshall

"They say that we must relinquish our fought-for freedoms in order to protect France and the revolution. I say without those freedoms, there is no revolution to protect in the first place." - United Auto Workers president Wyndham Mortimer, at a Detroit anti-professionalization rally

The deadline for union resolutions is midnight on Sunday, Chicago time. American nationals in the Netherlands who are eligible to vote in union elections are instructed to seek out the American embassy in the Hague in order to cast their vote. The Chamber vote is expected to take place on Monday or Tuesday.

_______________________________________________________________

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I don't know where that kid got an issue of de Volkstrant in the middle of the desert, but I hated him for it. Him and his yappy buddy wouldn't shut up about it.

"Where the fuck did you get a Dutch newspaper?"

"What's it to you?"

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"And where the fuck did you learn to read Dutch?"

"My grandmother was Dutch."

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"You're full of shit. I think you're just trying to look smart by pretending to read it."

This went on for hours. That fucking Dutch newspaper was the most exciting thing to happen in the Karl Marx Corps all week.

I had nearly died in Tennessee, Texas, Toronto and Tunisia and earned myself a position as the right-hand man to a distinguished general. All so that I could sit in a tent in the middle of the desert for a month and listen to the babbling of bored idiots all day long. Finally I stuck my head outside of my tent, which felt like sticking my head into an oven, and told the two of them to either shut up or go clean sand out of the tire treads until the sun went down. They chose wisely, and I was able to get back to my work with some quiet, if not comfort.

Somebody in the First Great War described war as 'long periods of boredom punctuated by moments of sheer terror.' I dealt with a lot of boredom and a fair amount of terror, but nothing was worse than the soul-crushing boredom that was the Saharan Expedition.

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The enemy had been smashed to bits, and while most of the American Red Army was waiting near the Mediterranean for their next orders, we, the dumb bastards in the Karl Marx Corps, were tasked with the least pleasant task of all: Get to Tamanrasset, figure out if its feasible to send an army across the biggest goddamn desert in the world, so that the Navy wouldn't have to get blown to shit trying to land the Marines in Dakar. In North America, we all thought we were the luckiest guys in the army because we had trucks driving us around. Now we were paying for the privilege while our pedestrian comrades relaxed in relatively mild weather by the sea.

Oliver was the one who had volunteered the corps for this ridiculous mission, in all of his enthusiasm to get down to black Africa and put an end to the French Empire for good. We had fought together for years before, and would fight for years after, and Law had almost gotten us all killed a few times. I consider Oliver Law one of my best friends. This was the only time I ever seriously considered shooting him dead and taking over the corps myself.

It wasn't entirely his fault but the only superiors I could honestly blame were practically on another planet, whether it be Algiers or Chicago. It was a miserable task no matter which way our luck shaked out, but it was made so much worse when the orders came down not to advance until further notice. The goddamn Chamber didn't think we were authorized to go any further south. So we sat in that shitty little desert town for the month of August while they argued about it in Chicago.

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In the meantime, Oliver took it upon himself to act as ambassador to the Tuaregs. It was abundantly clear within the first week of our trip into the desert that the Tuaregs would either help us make it through the desert or make sure we didn't make it at all. The Tuaregs were obviously no fans of the French. They had revolted a few years before, but the French were able to put them down that time. Now, they were obviously in a much better position, thanks to our convenient destruction of their mortal enemy.

The one benefit of being forgotten in the Sahara is just that, we were forgotten about. While the Chicago brass were constantly on Marshall's ass about the state of things up north, nobody paid the slightest bit of attention to what Oliver was doing with the Tuaregs, so long as we didn't make an 'unauthorized advance'. We gave sporadic updates about where we had found the enemy operating, half of them bullshit, and they left us alone except to send a plane with ballots for the stupid Chamber vote. None of us were particularly taken with Tuareg society, particularly not the slave bits. But we would have more luck trying to kick the sun out of the Sahara than going to war with the Tuaregs. We could either get their help and look past their decidedly non-leftist behaviors, or we could protest and die in the fucking desert. Principles are some of the first things to melt underneath the Saharan sun.

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The northern Tuareg clans were willing to assist us, thankfully, but their assistance came at a price. They had no idea that Oliver Law had absolutely no legal authority to negotiate on behalf of the Combined Syndicates or the Internationale. Through our torturous translation process, we learned that the French would usually just send an army with a list of demands, so it was pretty easy for us to act the same part, though our demands were more requests and Oliver Law not being white probably helped us seem less like the people who had been killing them on a semi-regular basis for decades.

The Tuaregs' conditions for assisting us were pretty simple. We would have to leave them alone, forever, completely. Maps were drawn up of the areas that the Tuaregs wanted complete sovereignty over. We made our own copy, but instead of labeling it as related to our illicit treaty, we instead labeled it as a warning. Don't go here or the clans will fuck you up. And with how damn hot it was in this desert, I don't think anybody had to be told twice.

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The Tuaregs were represented during our dealings by two people mainly. One older man with a huge beard and turban and a woman wrapped up in a headscarf, both looking like they had seen everything this desert had to offer. They were only representing a confederation of the northern Tuareg clans, but they pledged to use their influence among the other clans to secure our safe passage all the way south. Throughout our stay in Tamanrasset, we would speak with these two often to update them on what we were up to, and as we described what was feeling like an inevitable clash with Germany, they also said that the southern clans would be more than willing to help get rid of the German colonial troops who were intruding into Tuareg lands. And thus was born a bizarre and unholy entente between us and the Tuareg that would last throughout the war. We justified working with them as a matter of necessity (true) and as a prelude to "revolution through osmosis", in which we would bring socialist freedom to the Sahara just by having socialist states all around it (bullshit). I don't remember exactly what happened with that treaty we put together, but the hands-off bit was basically honored from then on.

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Finally the stupid Chamber worked out which one was their ass and which was their elbow, and our muzzles were taken off. It was time to leave our little oasis town. I had almost grown to like it. Almost. On our way southwest, we saw our bombers flying in the distance for what felt like the first time in eons. Powered flight was a welcome reminder of the twentieth century.

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We even got some assistance in the form of another motorized infantry corps from up north. The two of us would handle the rest of French West Africa ourselves. That was basically the plan, a blueprint for years of neglect for sub-Saharan operations. At least we had trucks to traverse the thousands of miles.

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The French had had months to prepare for our southern advance but barely managed to delay us. The Tuaregs had kept them forever on the back foot.

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It was hell in that desert at that time of the year. Without the Tuaregs guiding us to oases, we would have never made it. Invading Dakar was certainly risky, but it couldn't have been more risky than hurling twelve of the best equipped divisions in the Red Army into the desert with nothing but well wishes. The savanna to the south was our goal, and we couldn't get there fast enough.

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There were only a few French power centers left. Napoleon had set up shop in Dakar after fleeing Algiers. I wanted to punch him in the dick for not surrendering when Algeria fell and making me cross the damn desert. There was some kind of collaborationist state in Conakry that needed to get dealt with. Some other town with a name I will never be able to spell or pronounce lay on the border with Mittelafrika which was important for some reason, and finally we had to make sure we captured Abidjan so that we didn't have any more imperialist jerkoffs get the bright idea to land there and save that shitty country.

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It wasn't a shitty country because I disliked everything I experienced there (just most of it). Timbuktu was interesting, for sure, and I never would have gotten to see anything like that without the Saharan Expedition. But the fact that a country would be made by gluing together two completely different regions that are connected by an enormous desert is mind-boggling, and probably as strong an argument against imperialism as you could ever make.

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The French kept trying to get in between us and Dakar, but with the Tuaregs on our side, they stood no chance. We had conquered the Sahara. Some pissant French remnants were nothing to us.

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After what felt like a lifetime in a scorching hell, we finally were making continuous progress in a direction that would get us out of the Sahara.

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We were going to Dakar, the last jewel of the nearly dead French Empire. And it is in Dakar that I misread a telegram and did my part in starting the largest war in history. But that's a story for another time.

 
Chapter Five: The Chop Heard Around the World (December 1941-March 1942)

Tape of a meeting between Benjamin Gitlow, Norman Thomas and Floyd Olson, Chicago, New Year's Day 1942 - Declassified 1992

THOMAS: You know, Ben, this would be easier if Marshall was here. I don't understand why he has to be over there.

GITLOW: There's a lot of egos to deal with over there. He knows what has to get done and how to get everybody on board to do it.

OLSON: Surely the commanders understand what has to be done, no?

GITLOW: I'm not worried about what will happen when war breaks out. Everybody knows the stakes in that situation. I'm worried about what happens until then. There's training and rebuilding infrastructure and many other dreadfully dull things to do. That's when they might lose focus.

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OLSON: There's still plenty of fight left in Africa, no?

THOMAS: Not really. The port of Abidjan needs to be captured, but as far as we know, there's minimal resistance there.

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GITLOW: We wiped out the majority of what they had left in Dakar.

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OLSON: If we were willing to threaten Napoleon with execution, we might force their surrender sooner.

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GITLOW: What's the point? Their fleet is already fleeing to Australia, and the remaining enemy probably fears the local population more than they do us. Napoleon is going to the FLN's custody once we find him. We already have an arrangement regarding him.

A knock can be heard on the door.

AIDE [muffled]: A message from Dakar.

GITLOW [loudly]: Come in.

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AIDE: Comrade Gitlow, I have a message from Comrade Law to Comrade Thomas and yourself.

GITLOW: Continue, Comrade.

AIDE: Your previous orders were misinterpreted by the man I sent to the Southern Palace. Stop.

THOMAS: Misinterpreted how?

AIDE: The message continues. Napoleon was transferred to the custody of a Dakar chapter of the African Section, and not the FLN. Stop.

GITLOW: Well, that will be a bit messy, won't it? Now we have to explain to another group of wronged people why justice needs to wait.

AIDE: Napoleon was beheaded this morning before we could establish contact-

A loud thud can be heard, possibly a fist on a wooden table.

GITLOW [very loudly]: Son of a BITCH!

AIDE: Is that not good news, Comrade Gitlow?

GITLOW: No. It isn't.

AIDE: I don't understand. A vile imperialist is dead!

GITLOW: Let me ask you something, Comrade...

AIDE: Phillips.

GITLOW: Phillips. Who rules most of Europe?

AIDE: Germany?

GITLOW: Monarchs. Sweden, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Poland, Hungary, half of those stupid little members of the Italian Federation. They're all monarchs. Who did we just behead in Dakar?

AIDE: A monarch.

GITLOW: That's why we let Edward out of our grasp when the Australians plucked him out of Vancouver. A submarine tailed him all the way to Sydney. Hell we could probably go put a ten-inch shell through his bedroom window tomorrow if we felt like it. But we didn't and we won't. Not yet. Monarchs don't usually trust other monarchs, but they have a kind of understanding among themselves that they'll be left in comfort even if they are enemies. A headless monarch is exactly what will drive all those other petty kings and dukes into the arms of the Kaiser.

AIDE: I understand. Do you need me to send a message to anybody?

GITLOW: No, I'll handle it. Thank you, Comrade. And don't speak a word of that to anybody, obviously.

AIDE: I won't, Comrade.

The door can be heard closing.

OLSON: Can we keep this from becoming a huge story?

THOMAS: Doubt it. Dakar is chaotic, we barely have control over it. Word is certainly going to get out and it's exactly the type of news item that reactionary newspapers will put on the front page.

OLSON: Could we spin it as a mob out of our control?

GITLOW: Doesn't make a difference if we did it ourselves or not. They fear the working class achieving consciousness and going after them in their homes. We are the ones who inserted ourselves into African affairs, we are certainly going to get blamed for it.

OLSON: Well, I'll see what we can do to prepare for the protests that are bound to come through to us in the next week.

GITLOW: Yes, do so, but from now on, work within the framework that war is inevitable.

THOMAS: You think so?

GITLOW: Yes. We can buy ourselves time and position for it, but we can't avoid it anymore.

Tape of meeting between Floyd Olson and Ambassador Georges Bonnet, Chicago February 15th 1942 - Declassified 1992

OLSON: Comrade Bonnet, it is always good to see you.

BONNET: And you, Comrade Olson, though I wish it were under better circumstances.

OLSON: What can I help you with?

BONNET: I've received a number of questions from Paris, I was hoping to see what America's response is.

OLSON: I'll do my best.

BONNET: Let's start with the simple stuff. How goes the fighting in Africa?

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OLSON: Just about over. The Australians are making a nuisance of themselves, but we can handle it well enough. One division refused to surrender to the north, but they are trapped and the locals are obviously refusing to assist them.

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OLSON: They also attempted a raid on Abidjan, but with the distance involved, they can only hope to divert some of resources to defend the port until indigenous forces can take over.

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BONNET: Do you require any French assistance in the matter?

OLSON: No, nothing that we can't deal with. We just recently dispatched the Abraham Lincoln Corps as well as the first contingent of the joint Quebecois-Canadian force that we spoke of last year.

BONNET: How is that working out?

OLSON: No combat so far, but the Canadians have contributed a significant amount of armor to the effort, so they should be effective when we need them.

BONNET: I suppose Buck is good for something.

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BONNET: Alright, enough of the easy answers. There is a great amount of [pause] concern in Paris about the reestablishment of the Tuareg Federation. It is hard to swallow that slavery will persist under our supervision and with our effective endorsement.

OLSON: Nobody is happy about it, believe me. I don't know if I would have signed off on that deal if it had ever come to my desk, but Comrade Law did what he had to to ensure the safe passage of his troops across the Sahara. I have never met a Tuareg in my life, but everything I've learned about them since suggests to me that we can't do a damned thing about some of the things that go on.

BONNET: We would run the risk of turning them completely against socialism if we tried, is what you're saying?

OLSON: It feels like a new version of what the imperialists espoused to me. To them, what is the difference between a white man promising Christ will save them and a white man promising socialism will save them?

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BONNET: That makes sense. What of the rest of the southern territories?

OLSON: Our current plan is to split it into two new states. Two brothers who were exiled from the German colony were the most active in coordinating local resistance and have been our main go-between with the chiefs. We think they would be a good choice to help us arm indigenous forces that we could use against Mittelafrika if need be.

BONNET: I worry that we are playing with fire here. Drawing up nations out of thin air seems dangerous to me.

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OLSON: It's a tricky question to be sure. I think we are going to see something profoundly different as African socialism takes shape. The rest of the territory I think we'll have less to deal with. There's already a united front emerging between Leopold Sedar Senghor, who I'm sure you've heard of-

BONNET: Yes, yes, interesting man.

OLSON: -and Moktar Ould Daddah who has forged a multiethnic alliance in Mauritania. I think the two of them working together will bring good results.

BONNET: How about over the long term?

OLSON: Of course, we are going to try and divest ourselves over time, but not until such a time that Germany is evicted from Africa.

BONNET: Naturally. The African Section is growing more powerful by the day.

OLSON: Indeed, they are.

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BONNET: What of Liberia?

OLSON: The government does not care for us at all, the remnants of Firestone still operate there, trading with the Germans mostly, and they are a major source of funds to the government, even after the indigenous coup. They have accepted a large number of imperial exiles, and of course we are harboring a great deal of anti-government socialist fighters. We may have to go in ourselves to prevent them from interfering with our efforts around the area.

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BONNET: Another provocation to the Germans might be unwise so soon after what happened in Dakar.

OLSON: We're working on ways to cast the operation as an internal rebellion. The transfer of power from Amero-Liberians to the indigenous has blunted some of the people's anger, but there is still significant activity that we could utilize to our advantage. We are considering a number of things, perhaps even sending in Negro volunteers under their uniform.

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BONNET: It is not our intention to tell you what you can and cannot do regarding Africa. We would just appreciate notice so we can prepare if it does turn out to be the last straw. I'd like to believe that the elections next month in Germany will cause their government to hesitate. Once we get to the summer, though...

OLSON: Anybody's guess.

BONNET: Precisely.

Berliner Morgenpost, March 26th, 1942

ZENTRUMPARTEI VICTORIOUS

DKP SWEPT OUT, SPD FLOUNDERS AGAIN, A NEW DAWN FOR THE REICH?

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I loaded up as Germany and reduced their dissent to zero. It was previously at around thirty percent.

The ruling DKP will not soon forget the beating it took this year, losing its majority to the Catholic Zenstrumpartei. Voters rejected the DKP's insistence that all was well in the Empire, fed up with the continuing sluggishness of the economy, the brash aggressions of the Internationale and a failure to deliver on its promises of 'restoring the glory' they claimed was lost during the last SPD government. The SPD, who as recently as December held a commanding lead in the polling, only gained five seats of the one hundred and twenty seven lost by the DKP.

The American invasion of Algeria last year caused support to swing from the ruling DKP to the SPD, as the DKP's blustery threats against America resulted in no concrete action. The SPD then insisted that the Internationale was concerned only with defending itself and that a second Great War could be avoided. The execution of Napoleon in Dakar in January caused an explosion of anger against the Internationale that the SPD was unable to handle. Amidst the chaos arose the Zentrumpartei, who polled only ten percent in January and took fifty five percent of the vote in the election.

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The party's support has historically been limited to Catholic populations, but the collapse of the DKP has allowed the party to make huge inroads in the Protestant population, and a surprising level of support from the Jewish population. Newly appointed Chancellor Heinrich Bruning has promised to include Protestants and Jews in the administration, claiming that "all Germans have a stake in the Empire's prosperity." Many liberal parties are throwing their support behind the Zentrumpartei as well, even though there is no immediate political advantage for them to do so. The result is a broad coalition that can push through legislation at will.

Chancellor Bruning has presented a comprehensive package of measures to boost the economy's growth already, but all eyes are on what the new government will do about the Syndicalist problem. The party has spoken of a need to speed up armament as well as seek out new allies.

"Old animosities should melt away in the face of new threats. We will not plunge the nation into war, but we will be prepared if it comes." the new Chancellor proclaimed in his first speech to a raucous Reichstag.

"We no longer live in an age where moral Christian empires can stand apart and compete amongst themselves. It is no longer a question of which nation will dominate Europe, but which civilization will survive. The moral peoples of the world must unite against those who have fallen into depravity. There must be leadership, and only Germany has the strength and character to lead."

 
Chapter Six: Towards the Abyss (April-August 1942)

DARKEST HOUR: A HEARTS OF IRON GAME

Created by Paradox Development Collective - Stockholm, SCA

Version 1.5b - Released October 2, 2014

IN A WORLD WHERE IDEOLOGIES CLASH-

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Choose a scenario:

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Briefing:

Europe teeters on the brink of all out war. American action in West Africa has increased tensions between Germany and the Internationale to a boiling point. The Internationale plots to topple the German Empire, their most hated foe. The industrial might and seemingly limitless resources of North America makes the Internationale a greater threat than ever before, bolstering the confidence of the revolutionary alliance that it just may strike down the Kaiser.

Across the trenches, Germany is busy with machinations of its own. The radical change sweeping the globe can only be stopped by the Empire, and the new Chancellor is busy reviving dead alliances and forging new ones. Will the continental Prague Pact be able to push the revolution out of Europe for good? Or will the Internationale raise their red banners in Berlin?

Click on a Nation to View Details

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[Finland]

Neutral

Difficulty: ****O

The independent Kingdom of Finland has managed to steer a course mostly independent of Germany, Russia or Sweden in recent decades. The far-right Lapua movement has faded from prominence and the kingdom is in the capable hands of Carl Mannerheim. With tensions in Europe rising to levels not seen since the Great War, perhaps now is the time for Finland to strike at its former master to the east and ensure that no foreign power ever dominates this proud nation again.

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[Bulgaria]

Neutral

At War With: Serbia, Romania

Difficulty: ****O

While the rest of Europe hurtles towards war, southwestern Europe has been embroiled in it for years already. The Fourth Balkan War rages, and Bulgaria is valiantly defending against two enemies on two fronts. Will the Kingdom endure?

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[Turkestan]

Neutral

Difficulty: ***OO

The collapse of the British Raj and the Russian Empire heralded the end of the Great Game in Central Asia. The void was filled in convincing fashion by Turkestan. The ruling imams pledge to unite the Muslim world, a compelling vision in a world gripped by uncertainty. Persia and Alash Orda have already fallen to the burgeoning empire and the other small states in the region should be easy prey. A divided Russia to the north, the derelict Ottoman Empire to the southwest, the Afghans to the south. There are many targets for the fundamentalist state, but the fire of jihad may yet be quenched by the ascendant Qing Empire in the east. Zeal may not be enough to guide the newest Islamic empire in these complicated times.

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[Qing Empire]

Neutral

Difficulty: **OOO

Only two decades have passed since the Qing Empire was reborn as a pawn of the Kaiser. In that time, the Qing Empire has grown from a buffer between Japanese and German interests into an empire that can truly be called China. The Mad Baron Sternberg hangs, the German administrators have been evicted from the south, the Shangqing rebels defeated in the mountains. Even Portugal and the international port cities have been forced to acknowledge that China is no longer their economic playground. China is still fractious however, as a republican faction controls the southwest, the Tibetan monks continue to endure, and most importantly the technologically advanced Japanese and Germans will not give up their possessions so easily. In order to truly unite China, the Qing Empire must be prepared to fight.

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[Kingdom of Spain]

Neutral

At War With: Carlist Spain

Difficulty: *****

The Spanish Civil War rages on, and while the syndicalists were defeated, the Carlist faction has entrenched itself in the north of the country. While the Loyalists retain most of the country, it will take much more sacrifice to put an end to the civil war once and for all. And Spain doesn't have much left to sacrifice...

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[Transcaucasian Socialist Republic]

Neutral

Difficulty: *****

The TCSR, formerly known as Georgia, is one of the few socialist countries to have embraced Totalism. The ruthless Beria and his henchman Dzughashvili have systematically eliminated all opposition to their rule. The syndicalist mainstream of the Internationale prefers not to acknowledge the rumors of atrocity in the forgotten corner of Europe. It is easier for Paris and Chicago to forget about the isolated mountain republic. The TCSR cannot count on anybody's support in their quest to expel Russian, Islamic and Ottoman influence from the Caucasus. Will they succeed in their mission, or will their larger neighbors put an end to the Totalist dream?

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[Germany]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: *OOOO

The German Empire has been the dominant imperial power in the world ever since revolution toppled their French and British rivals. Her fleets sail every sea, her colonial possessions now stretch across most of Africa, and what may be the best equipped and trained army in the world stands to defend their Kaiser. But now the revolution has gathered steam, and the resources and industrial might of North America may come into play in what seems like an inevitable clash with France and the Internationale. Germany has sought to strengthen her position by uniting the conservative states of Europe into one alliance, the expansive Prague Pact. The long predicted clash between syndicalism and capitalism is approaching, and for the aristocrats of the German Empire, it is literally a matter of life and death.

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[Italian Federation]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: ***OO

Envisioned as a rump state to protect the southern flank of the Austrian Empire, the Italian Federation has not only outlived the Austrian Empire but has grown into one of the most important members of the German alliance. Led by a pope wielding temporal power not seen since before Napoleon, the Italian Federation has united and consolidated into a regional power. Across the French Alps and just south of Rome lie the armies of the Internationale, who seek to seize such historic cities as Milan, Venice, Florence, Genoa and Rome for themselves. Pope Pius XII is resolved that the syndicalist regime in Napoli will not desecrate the Vatican in Rome, and leads daily prayers that the syndicalists be wiped off of God's Earth. His Holiness just may need a miracle to save Italy.

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[Hungary]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: ***OO

The collapse of the Austrian empire filled Europe with uncertainty as to what may happen in Southwestern Europe. While the opportunistic Serbs may have gobbled up Croatia and Bosnia, much of the defunct empire's territory is still defended by its second most important constituent. Hungary has come out of the fray as a strong regional power, under the control of a far-right regime led by Miklos Horthy. The xenophobic regime may offend some sensibilities in Germany, but its ruthless anti-syndicalism is appreciated by the Prague Pact. With the support of Germany, Hungary could very well become a major power in the Balkans, as its neighbors squabble amongst themselves. First though, they will have to make sure their new-found benefactor does not fall to the Internationale.

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[Ottoman Empire]

Prague Pact

At War with: Armenia

Difficulty: ***OO

In a time of crisis, Germany has turned once more to an old ally. The economic ties between the Ottoman and German Empires mean that Istanbul's fate is intertwined in that of Berlin. If Germany falls, the Ottoman Empire would be alone in a dangerous world. The fundamentalist Turkestan seeks to establish itself as the undisputed leader of world Islam as it knocks on the gates of Mesopotamia. The fires of Arab nationalism burn in Cairo and Totalist schemes brew in Tbilsi. The Ottoman Empire needs Germany to survive these trying times. Germany just may need the Ottoman Empire as well.

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[Mittelafrika]

Prague Pact

Puppet of: Germany

Difficulty: ****O

Perhaps no member of the Prague Pact has more to fear from the Internationale than Mittelafrika. The Internationale aims to end colonialism across the world, and they regard the German settlers and administrators of Africa as criminals of the highest order. The Americans are ready and willing to assist socialist resistance groups throughout the German colonies, and even if Germany succeeds in Europe, they will be hard pressed to reestablish control in Africa. Mittelafrika cannot count on the motherland now. They must stand on their own.

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[Bohemia]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: **OOO

Once the wealthiest subject of the Austrian emperor, the new republic of Bohemia hosted the conference that gave the Prague Pact its name. The Internationale is not likely to distinguish between monarchy and bourgeois republic if it takes over Central Europe, and so Bohemia has put its faith into another German emperor. Bohemian men will fight in Germany in the hopes that they won't have to fight at home.

plcgov.png


[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: ***OO

The fact that the PLC agreed to the terms of the Prague Pact is the greatest sign that the threat of syndicalism is powerful enough to overshadow any enmity between the monarchies of the world. Poland defied Germany by absorbing Galicia during the Austro-Hungarian Civil War and engineered a union between itself and former German subject Lithuania. Despite all of that, Germany is prepared to forgive and forget in exchange for Poland-Lithuania's support against the syndicalist alliance. The Commonwealth may still desire Germany's Polish territories, but the prospect of French armies overrunning Warsaw is enough to make both sides set aside their differences against a common enemy.

ukrgov.png


[Ukraine]

Prague Pact

Puppet of: Germany

Difficulty: ***OO

Ukraine lies at the intersection between three major powers. The Prague Pact desires its agricultural production and manpower to endure a syndicalist assault, the battered Russian state desires to ascend to its former glory, a path that could go through Kiev, and the Internationale has a unique desire to see Ukraine return to the folds of the syndicalist alliance. The formerly Ukrainian leader of France's anarchist faction, Nestor Makhno, seeks to see his homeland liberated, and the exiled socialist government of Nikita Khrushchev plots in Paris to return to Ukraine. Ukraine has a large, if obsolete, army to serve the Prague Pact's cause. But the Ukrainian people have laid down their lives for two failed revolutions, and Germany better hope that they not give it a third try.

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[Sweden]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: ***OO

Scandinavia has spent much of the last century being neutral in European affairs, but the stakes of the coming war are too high for Sweden to stay on the sidelines this time. The right wing regime of Martin Ekstrom has slowly and surely marginalized all domestic opposition while forging new ties with the German Empire. Sweden does not have the experience in modern warfare that most of Europe has, but Sweden brings significant technological savvy and natural resources to the fight. It's been over a hundred years since the Swedish Empire ruled the north, and perhaps it may again.

norwaygov.png


[Norway]

Prague Pact

Difficulty: ****O

While other monarchies in Europe may think that Germany is the only protection they have against the Internationale, Norway has already once been saved by the intervention of the German Empire. Only a few years ago, the Union of Britain attempted to install a syndicalist regime in Oslo through force, and only the threat of retaliation by the German Empire convinced the British to turn the boats around. The strategic importance of Norway cannot be underestimated for either side. Norway's naval bases could be the key to controlling the North Sea and as the gateway to Scandinavia, it could be a way for the Internationale to attack their mortal enemy from the north. Scandinavia can no longer expect to be left out of the battles that will define the future of Europe and the world, and Norway must be prepared to fight.

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[Union of Britain]

Syndicalist Internationale

Difficulty: *OOOO

The Union of Britain has so far avoided an ironclad military commitment to their continental comrades, but it is clear to all that Britain will not allow France to fall without a fight. Britain's naval and air power are a crucial component of any syndicalist strategy in Europe, and without the mighty Republican Fleet, it is questionable if the armies and resources of North America will even make it to Europe. Britain has been involved in many struggles for European dominance before, but none had the implications that this one does. If Britain loses, there will not be any peace settlement. Britain will either defeat Germany, or the revolution will be over.

italygov.png


[Socialist Republic of Italy]

Syndicalist Internationale

Difficulty: ****O

The SRI has stood by its French ally since its own revolution. The Italian syndicalists seek to unite the peninsula once more, and to expunge papal and bourgeois influence from their nation. In their path is the more powerful Italian Federation, which controls the industrial centers of the north. With the help of France and America, the Eternal City could be flying red banners soon.

francegov.png


[Commune of France]

Syndicalist Internationale

Difficulty: *OOOO

The rivalry between France and Germany is as old as Germany itself. The German Empire was forged over the corpse of the Second French Empire, and it ascended to global dominance over the corpse of the Third French Republic. Now the rivalry has transcended imperial interest and balance of power. The revolutionary syndicalism of France and the conservative monarchism of Germany cannot coexist any longer. Either the revolution or the Empire will die.

France, once prostrated and broken, has rebuilt and rearmed. And with the support of new allies, France has a better chance than ever before to finally defeat its archrival. The cost for France will be exorbitant, win or lose. But such is the price of revolution.

wargames.png


[Combined Syndicates of America]

Syndicalist Internationale

At War with: Australasia, Hawaii, Delhi

Difficulty *OOOO

Some say that the coming war has been won already. With the industrial and natural wealth of North America in the hands of the Internationale, even a victory over France will not be enough for the Germans to expunge syndicalism from the world. America has gone from a forgotten great power crumbling in 1936, to a bona fide world power in 1942. A military untested since the 19th century has grown into one of the world's largest. It has defeated the Royal Army in Canada and united North America under its leadership. It launched an invasion across an ocean and toppled the Imperial French regime in Algeria. Now German war planners sit and wonder as to what America is planning. The American military has not set foot in the Old World since its battles with Barbary pirates over a century before, and nobody knows what to expect. Will America's lack of martial expertise betray it in a battle with a modern military? Or will America surprise the world again?

Loading map...

Reading save file...

Whichever faction has the most victory points by January 1, 1964 will be the victor.

[Start]

navalbattle.png


Sir, our fleet in North Phoenix Islands is under attack by: Australasia

navalvictory.png


Our fleet won the battle!

Enemy losses: 3 BC, 1 CA, 11 CL, 7 DD

Our losses: 5 SS

New decisions are available!

[Desert Equipment] - Available

[O] 'Fighting in the Desert' has happened to us

[O] We have enough industry to complete construction

desertequipdecision.png


This will begin production of specialized desert equipment for your army. Are you sure?

[Yes]

[No]

desertequip.png


The equipment should be completed in 3 months.

national%20research.png


Research completed!

Our scientists have made advances in Mountain Infantry and Amphibious Techniques.

[War Plan Orange] - Unavailable

[X] Pearl Harbor is under our control

[O] Pacific States of America does NOT exist

[War Plan Violet] - Available

[X] Balboa is under our control

OR

[O] Balboa is under the control of Centroamerica

[War Plan Black] - Available

[O] Canada is NOT a member of the Entente

[O] We are allied with France

[O] Germany is NOT socialist

[O] We have technology Amphibious Techniques level 2

Our finest generals have compiled a comprehensive plan to defeat Germany. Are you ready to go forward with it?

[Yes]

[No]

Are you sure? There is no going back from this.

[Yes]

[No]

Are you really sure?

[Yes]

[No]

If you say so, Comrade. Good luck.

 
Chapter Seven: War Plan Black (August 28th, 1942)

The scene is in Chicago, it is late at night, the city is mostly quiet except for a few dedicated anarchists keeping the day's demonstration alive underneath the window of Benjamin GITLOW's office, who sits at a large oak table. Also seated are OLSON, THOMAS, TRESCA, HEMINGWAY, BONNET and MATTICK. The table is covered with maps, the mood is tense, the men are visibly exhausted.

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GITLOW pushes small figures representing the French army back and forth across the map. He is silent but his face betrays that he is tortured by the decision facing him.

GITLOW: Alright, we're getting nowhere. Each of you, give me your thoughts. Succinctly if possible. Ambassador, as our guest, you can go first.

franceplan.png


Ambassador Georges BONNET stands.

BONNET (in accented English): Comrades, we are stretched to our limits in France. Virtually every able-bodied man and a good number of the women have been pressed into service, old men and teenagers work extra hours producing arms for the fight. I understand that America still shows the scars of revolution and that you have put your necks out already on our behalf. But I must ask you to help us once again. Mitteleuropa has the manpower to outlast and overwhelm us. If we wait, they will be able to arm the rest of the Prague Pact to German standards and overwhelm us. The only ways we can win the war is to man our trenches with American men or to win the war as rapidly as possible, before France loses so many men that we cannot replace our losses. We have a plan to bring the fight into Germany, but if their allies are left alone, then they will surely be able to regroup and push us back, and Paris will be lost.

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(I loaded up the save with nofog much later to get these numbers. I only had the intelligence estimates at the time.)

BONNET sits.

GITLOW: We cannot let Paris fall. Norman?

Intelligence chief Norman THOMAS stands to pass out sheets of paper to each man at the table, then sits again.

THOMAS: The newest estimates on enemy strength. Assuming the British can be counted on-

BONNET: They can.

MATTICK: Let's hope.

The table is awkwardly silent for a moment, until THOMAS clears his throats and continues.

THOMAS: The Internationale would have the ships to match the Prague Pact's naval strength. Britain's extensive fleet of land-based bombers could also be used over the North Sea. However, when it comes to the air, many of the lesser Prague Pact members have invested in their air force lately, and we should expect to be outnumbered in the air. Most importantly, we estimate Germany has about two hundred divisions, Northern Italy, Ukraine and Hungary each with about forty, Turkey with more than sixty, and the rest of the Pact with eighty between them. Over four hundred, half of which we can assured of high quality and training, the rest could be suspect, and we're unsure how quickly the Pact's infrastructure in the East can move those troops towards France.

GITLOW: How does that compare with what we have?

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navy2.png


MATTICK: If I may, Norman?

THOMAS nods.

MATTICK: If we can't get our boys to Europe, then we're screwed. Our carriers and cruisers currently under construction would assure us naval supremacy.

(Foreign Minister Floyd) OLSON: We don't have two years, Paul.

MATTICK: We'll have nothing if we instigate a war and Paris falls because we only have the remnants of the old US Navy to escort our boys overseas.

OLSON: Fine, but-

GITLOW: Let him finish, Floyd.

airforce1.png


airforce2.png


MATTICK: We could use more naval bombers and fighters, and we're producing them right now. We're already trying to cover a lot of airspace with what we've got.

army1.png


army2.png


MATTICK: We've enough men on the ground on our own, but the OAS armies are coming together very well. I'm certain that they could be put to good use in France.

GITLOW: I'm sure. Floyd?

OLSON: The problem with Paul's assessment is that we do not have nearly that much time. Bruning has made a concerning amount of progress in the few months since he took office. He's put together the Prague Pact, he's settled the strikes that were plaguing German production, and we have unconfirmed reports that he is working on a way to put the animosity between Germany and the Entente to bed.

THOMAS: To deal with the Entente fleets on top of Germany's? That could be too much to deal with.

MATTICK: We're dealing with those fleets now though. They haven't caused us many problems thus far.

THOMAS: That's because Australasia is buckling under the strain of providing for what amounts to three different navies combined into one giant refugee fleet. They don't have the resources to provide for long distance operations. They can keep us away from them and Hawaii and that is about the extent of their capabilities.

OLSON: But if Germany assists them, we could see a great deal of those ships being used in Europe. And on top of that, Germany could attempt to bury the hatchet with Japan. An alliance between those three could spell trouble for us.

BONNET: But if we strike soon, Bruning will not have the time to forge such an alliance.

GITLOW: Carlo?

(General Secretary Carlo) TRESCA: Nothing to add.

GITLOW: Ernest?

(Chicago Representative of the Supreme Commander Ernest) HEMINGWAY: We're ready to bring the fight to them. There is no better time than now.

GITLOW: Alright then. What does everybody say? Do we do it?

TRESCA: Yes.

HEMINGWAY: Yes.

MATTICK: No, wait.

OLSON: Yes.

Norman THOMAS remains silent.

GITLOW: Norman?

THOMAS: You know why I cannot say yes. But I will not say no either.

GITLOW: I see no reason to delay any further. We risk too much by waiting.

BONNET: So it is done?

warongermany.png


GITLOW: Yes, it is done.

HEMINGWAY: There are some other specific matters of the plan that we ought to discuss.

GITLOW: Let's go over the whole thing. Just so we're all clear.

HEMINGWAY: Right.

HEMINGWAY produces a new set of maps that he sprawls across the table. The others at the table shift for a better view.

africa.png


HEMINGWAY: Starting in the south. It's been very difficult to establish where exactly the Mittelafrikan army is deployed, as most of it is engaged in domestic policing. We have two of our motorized corps assigned here. Law and Brown will command them. The territory of Mittelafrika is too large to deal with in one operation, so we are focusing on the territories between Kameroon and Guinea.

attackonafrica.png


HEMINGWAY: It is our hope that the enemy will begin to appear in this region in force as the operation commences. Then Brown will push south and cut off the region from the rest of the mainland. A Mittelafrika isolated from the motherland will be hard pressed to deal with any major setbacks. Many of their units are comprised of Africans, and their morale should be poor. Haywood will be held in reserve.

BONNET: Surely Africa should be a secondary priority? We could certainly use more troops on our line.

GITLOW: Out of the question. I didn't get our men killed and put my ass on the fire with the Chamber just to abandon the region to Germany.

OLSON: The African Section will never forgive us if we abandon them before they're ready to defend themselves. I agree, it is out of the question.

THOMAS: And from a humanitarian standpoint, Africa requires liberation more than any other region in the world. What Goering has put together there... It has to stop.

italy.png


HEMINGWAY: Our hope is that the Abraham Lincoln Corps will not be needed there and we can redeploy them elsewhere.

BONNET: To France?

HEMINGWAY: We were thinking Italy, actually, for a few reasons.

italyplan.png


HEMINGWAY: They are more outnumbered on that specific front, and if the papists can capture the entire peninsula, then they will have free reign to attack France from the south.

attackonrome.png


TRESCA: It would also be important to have some early successes, in order to reassure the Internationale that we are capable of winning this. The seizure of Anzio has put us within striking distance of Rome.

HEMINGWAY: We have been recruiting Americans who can speak Italian to join Rose in Anzio. We've acquired assurances from Naples that they will put their forces under Rose's command. No offense, Ambassador, but I don't think we could come up with a similar arrangement in France.

GITLOW: And I won't have American troops under French command.

BONNET: I understand.

HEMINGWAY produces a long stick and uses it to draw attention to a certain area of the map.

HEMINGWAY: Now, this part is the crux of War Plan Black.

He rests the stick on the Suez Canal.

HEMINGWAY: As Comrade Olson pointed out, we need to be concerned about a Sydney-Berlin alliance. If we control the Suez Canal, we will be able to isolate the Entente from Mitteleuropa, and isolate Germany from its overseas colonies.

MATTICK: How on earth are we going to get there? We don't have the ships to force a landing in Egypt.

HEMINGWAY: We'll drive. From Tunisia.

libya.png


OLSON: Through the Arab bloc? I think they might take issue with that.

GITLOW: The plan does necessitate an attack on the Arab bloc. We were hoping they would take the opportunity presented by our attack to make their own attack on the Ottomans, thus denying the canal to the Germans just the same. Our latest assessment is that this is unfortunately not very likely.

THOMAS: The Egyptian army is not small, are we committing enough troops on this front?

HEMINGWAY: We have a motorized corps in place. We should be able to move rapidly towards the canal and quickly subdue Libyan resistance by flanking them from the south.

libyaplan.png


BONNET: Until you get to Egypt. You will have a hell of a time trying to flank anybody through the Qattara Depression.

HEMINGWAY: Yes, that is an area of concern, but we should be able to use our air power to break through at that point.

BONNET: And what if the Ottomans help them?

OLSON: Not likely. First of all, the Ottomans have barely been able to hold their empire together and second of all, the Egyptians loathe the Ottomans. The only way the Ottomans are getting in is if they invade themselves, which would probably turn into a nightmare for them.

BONNET: I still question the wisdom of drawing more enemies into the conflict.

waronlibya.png


GITLOW: We are making the enemies and I assure you, Ambassador, America will handle them.

attackonlibya.png


BONNET: I hope so.

HEMINGWAY: That accounts for one entrance into the Mediterranean. In order to have free reign to assist the Italians and engage the Prague Pact through their southern underbelly, we are going to need total control of the Mediterranean.

HEMINGWAY drags his pointer across the Mediterranean and brings it to rest in Gibraltar.

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HEMINGWAY: We need the Straits.

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BONNET: Spain controls both sides? Are you suggesting that-

waronspain.png


GITLOW: Also part of the plan. The Revolutionary Marines are going to land on the Atlantic Coast of Spain and seize Gibraltar.

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HEMINGWAY: While our first OAS force seizes Morocco to the south. It seems as good a place as any to test out a trinational military force.

attackonspain.png


MATTICK: A landing? Very risky and once again, we don't have the ships.

OLSON: It won't be an opposed landing. The loyalists have everybody who can hold a gun engaged against the Carlists in the north. The only Spaniards there to greet us will be old women and children.

attackongibraltar.png


MATTICK: Attacking two different neutral powers?

TRESCA: Spain is not neutral in the context of the struggle. They stamped out the CNT-FAI. Bring in whatever exiled Spanish comrades we can find, make sure to take pictures of their return. The Chamber still has a bug up their ass that France didn't do enough to help the CNT-FAI. It'll make them happy as clams.

BONNET: What of the Carlists?

GITLOW: Who cares?

BONNET: I would worry about alienating the British. This whole plan is very... audacious. A British commitment would be worthwhile and they may object to parts of this plan.

britainjoins.png


GITLOW: We'll notify them of what we're planning, but we certainly will not compromise on any aspect of it. Britain has the North Sea to contend with, France the fields of Flanders, and we will make the Mediterranean a socialist lake. We will not tell either you nor the British how to fight their wars, and we expect not to be told how to fight ours.

BONNET: Still, to risk losing their support... It could be catastrophic.

GITLOW: They'll join us or they'll die on their own.

The room is silent.

GITLOW: Tell Marshall that War Plan Black is a go.

HEMINGWAY: Yes, Comrade.

HEMINGWAY exits the room. The room remains silent.

GITLOW: The rest of you...

The room stares solemnly at GITLOW, awaiting his command.

GITLOW: Go home. Tomorrow will be the last normal day for a very long time. Enjoy it.

The rest of the room files out, one by one. GITLOW remains, alone. He looks up from the table at a portrait of his departed friend Jack Reed.

GITLOW: Is this what you would have done?

GITLOW sits for a moment, nods, then stands and exits the room.

 
Chapter Eight: In Decatur's Footsteps (Libya September 5 - October 2, 1942)

From Bureau archives, January 3, 1974. Declassified January 1, 1995.

RESTRICTED

Comrade,

The big debate between Qutb and al-Muntasir aired on Egyptian TV last night, simulcast in Libya as well. Attached are some excerpts of the encounter, courtesy of the Cairo office. Their initial assessment is that the younger al-Muntasir did better than Qutb, but I doubt that will sway any hardcore MB members. Why Qutb has been so focused on Libya lately is the question. Leading theory is that Qutb no longer believes he can topple Nasser and thinks that going after Libya, with its smaller population and less charismatic leader, is a better use of his resources. Hard to get inside his head, but perhaps we ought to recommend to Carmichael that we get together with Paris and increase our industrial and agricultural aid to Tripoli. The Brotherhood thrives off on poverty, so if we make efforts to combat that, we should save ourselves a lot of headaches in the long run. We can't give the Brotherhood any place to hide.

001.png


[....]

QUTB: I must disagree. If Libya were truly a democracy, then it would have the choice on whether or not to associate itself with the Syndicalist Internationale, which it does not.

AL-MUNTASIR: Of course we have that choice. It has not come into question because that association has been very beneficial for the Libyan people.

QUTB: Beneficial? *Qutb scoffs* It is as if a lamb being fattened for slaughter has a "beneficial" association with a farmer. You have allowed your great state to be enslaved to the will of the American infidels. They fund these schools and roads so that your young men will be indoctrinated for use as cannon fodder against their fellow Muslims.

AL-MUNTASIR: Your hatred for America clouds your judgment. America is no enemy of Libya.

QUTB: America has put Tripoli to the sword twice. Twice! How can they not be an enemy?

002.png


AL-MUNTASIR: Do you honestly judge the Combined Syndicates based on a clash with pirates over one hundred and fifty years ago? And we would also do well to remember the situation America was in in 1942. Defeating the vile imperialist German Empire required the Americans to reach the Suez Canal, and they could not hope to invade it from the sea with so many German ships in the Mediterranean. It was an understandable decision to invade through Libya, though a regrettable one.

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QUTB: In what American university did you learn that account? Or did your kafir father teach you this false history? America seeks only to expand its empire. Libya was sold to America by traitors, who stood down the army-

AL-MUNTASIR: That is a lie. The Libyan army fought valiantly and you dishonor their memories through this slander.

004.png


QUTB: If this were true, they would not have abandoned their posts so rapidly. A valiant fight lasts longer than a few days.

AL-MUNTASIR: The Americans outclassed us in every way. You are a fool or a liar or both if you can't understand that. They had trucks and artillery and planes, while our army had old Turkish rifles and horses.

005.png


QUTB: Any weapon is effective in the arms of a muja-

AL-MUNTASIR: Spare me your romantic nonsense about martyrdom. My job is to think realistically, and the reality is that Libya was a backwater when we were invaded, and today it is a modern nation that can provide for its people, thanks in part to the assistance of the Syndicalist Internationale.

006.png


QUTB: Islam is romantic nonsense to you?

AL-MUNTASIR: Do not put words in my mouth. I am proud to be a Muslim, but I draw the line at your perversion of Islam.

QUTB: A true Muslim would fight the infidels from anywhere, from the city, from the desert. They would not allow themselves to be penned like goats as the Libyan army did.

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QUTB: A true Muslim would not allow the infidels to simply walk to Benghazi.

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QUTB: And spare me the lies about Germany. The Americans sought to expand their empire past Tunisia and that was their sole motivation. How could Germany even affect a battle so far from their homeland?

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AL-MUNTASIR: You insult everybody watching through your feigned ignorance. I know you are educated enough to know that Germany held Malta at the time. Germany's presence in Malta was a danger to any operation in the Mediterranean.

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QUTB: Not enough of a danger to prevent American bombers from bombing the brave Egyptian army in the desert. If you ever left your palace in Tripoli, you might know there are still American bombs exploding to the south.

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AL-MUNTASIR: So now you are an air strategist as well? Do you venture to claim that there was no German airplanes? Did the wrecked Messerschmidts scattered around Malta appear there out of thin air?

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AL-MUNTASIR: Was there an American conspiracy to plant a German battleship in the sea? You embarrass yourself with these conspiracies.

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QUTB: It was not Germans who killed the peasants in Al Bayda. It was Americans.

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AL-MUNTASIR: Again with this? The sacrifice of the Al Bayda militia is honored, but you continue spreading a myth of a massacre. There was no massacre. The Americans were not interested in a massacre, they simply drove past them to Tobruk.

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QUTB: Where your father surrendered the nation to the Americans.

AL-MUNTASIR: A formality. The Americans had captured almost the entire nation.

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QUTB: Except for the south, where your father left brave Egyptians to die.

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AL-MUNTASIR: Perhaps they should have stayed in Egypt then. My father cannot be blamed for Egypt's poor tactical decisions. This entire tangent is a waste of time. Why do you insist on spreading lies about our history?

[.....]

That's the bit about Libya, after that, they get into other topics. Cairo office didn't find anything worthwhile in the rest of the debate. Qutb has taken a lot of creative liberties with Libyan history, inventing a couple massacres and erasing the Germans from existence, apparently. We'd do well to counteract this narrative. These types of tales can catch on if we don't get ahead of them. Let me know how you want to approach this.

 
Chapter Nine: Love/Hate (Morocco: October 4 - November 21, 1942)

Good evening, Buffalo, it's eight PM, and you're listening to NPR 6, your home for the best radio documentaries.





 





Starting now on NPR 1: Chairman nomination speeches begin. Stay tuned after for reaction and your phone calls.





 





On NPR 2: The New York Giants face off at home against the Montreal Alouettes as both seek to topple the Washington Red Stars from their Eastern Conference lead. Encore presentation follows.





 





On NPR 3: The Combined Syndicates national women's soccer team travels to Mosul to face Kurdistan in a World Cup qualifier. Afterwards, Siberia and Quebec in a Big Eight ice hockey showdown with major Spartakiade implications.





 





On NPR 4: Our expert tech panel discusses the major challenges in technology and the syndicates working to meet them. This week, they discuss Korea, and how the world's newest technological giant is reshaping the landscape of telecommunications.





 





On NPR 5: Your local news and weather.


Right here on NPR 6, it's the next installment of Love/Hate, a documentary series about the long and complicated relationship between the Combined Syndicates of America and the Socialist Republic of Canada. This week's chapter is about the Canadian Expeditionary Force and their first operations in Morocco alongside Algerian, American and Québécois forces. Enjoy.

________________________________________

america.png


The Combined Syndicates of America. A quarter billion strong, America's industrial and political might has shaped the world like no other power ever has. American soldiers have fought the Internationale's battles across the world, and nearly every nation on earth has had its recent history shaped by the will of Chicago.

canada.png


The Socialist Republic of Canada. Twenty million residents who work and live in a land that the untrained eye might mistake for the Combined Syndicates. The accents are slightly different, it's a bit colder, there's less football and more hockey, but other than that, you'd be forgiven for not realizing you're in a different country. However, even thirty five years after Buck's assassination and the Northern Spring, there are divisions and bitter feelings underneath the surface of an otherwise close North American partnership.

You'll find these fractures throughout North American society. Canadian villains are a common fixture in American media. Whether its the Royal Army attempting to squash the revolution or a brave young anarchist leaving the safety of America behind to battle the secret police in Canada, Americans often have a view of the pre-Spring Republic as an evil and unevolved state. When asked about the cooperation between the Republic and the Combined Syndicates during the war against Germany, many Americans have an explanation that exempts the Combined Syndicates from responsibility. "Nobody knew Buck wasn't going to give up power." "We needed everybody to help fight the Germans." "The unions were obliterated by the royalists, there was no chance for syndicalism to flourish."

These narratives often rankle modern-day Canadians, many of whom still retain the painful memory of a loved one who 'disappeared' in the time before the Spring. Surely, many Canadians claim, the Combined Syndicates was more than capable of removing Buck through force. And even if Chicago was behind the rogue cadet's bullet that took Buck's life in 1980, as the common conspiracy theory says, why did it take them so long to pull the trigger?

Yet despite this bitter history, modern day North America is a remarkably integrated continent. Canada and the Combined Syndicates share a currency, have virtually merged their military forces, have combined nearly all of their major sports leagues and their citizens work and study across the border with an ease not found anywhere outside the European Union. How did these two nations come to such a close friendship despite their violent history?

This is the story of Anglo-America, and the people and events that shaped the relationship between the Combined Syndicates of America and the Socialist Republic of Canada. I'm Jon Radek, and this is Love/Hate.

Last week, we discussed how Buck's machinations delivered him Canada and how the Gitlow administration wavered on and eventually endorsed his government. This week, we cover the establishment of the Canadian Expeditionary Force and how the cooperation of Canadian and American soldiers on the battlefields of Africa and Europe helped mend the wounds of the Great North American War, and helped sow the seeds of Buck's eventual downfall.

________________________________________

Birds can be heard chirping. Laughter and ambient conversation fill the air.

One difference between the Combined Syndicates and Canada is a subtle one. South of the border, almost every town has a Reed Avenue or a Haywood Hall. Streets, universities and statues remind the American populace of their beloved heroes. Whether its Jack Reed, Harry Haywood, George Marshall, Helen Keller or even pre-revolution figures like Abraham Lincoln and Benjamin Franklin, Americans, despite being a largely secular population, have created a pantheon of American demigods, whose foresight and bravery made modern socialist society possible.

Canadians, more religious than their southern neighbors, have no such collection of national heroes. Pre-socialist Canada was ruled by a collection of capitalists and aristocrats, America's favorite war film antagonists. They are no heroes. That group was swept away by American arms, and replaced by Buck. If Canada has no pantheon of national heroes, they at least have a Satan in Buck. You will rarely find a Canadian analogue of a Lincoln Boulevard, though you will find Buck's name scratched off many a plaque, plaques which were not removed only because the Northern Spring government exhorted the Canadian people never to forget what had happened. Canada, like most socialist societies, puts the power of the people above all else. However, Canada takes it a step further. It is only the people who are to be celebrated in Canada. To worship one person, a King or a Chairman, is dangerous.

Hamilton University is a prime example of this uniquely Canadian attitude. Formerly the Republican Military Academy, the university is now dedicated to researching the crimes of the Buck era. The many statues of Buck on the campus were dismantled and used to construct the immense sculpture that rests in front of the library. The sculpture is of the famous photograph taken at this very spot in 1980, which depicts the moment when a still-unidentified teenage girl stood in the path of a Canadian Army M-60 Rose tank. An inscription around the base reads:

RARELY ARE GREAT MEN GOOD

The university has changed dramatically since the time when Buck loyalist administrators ordered heavy weapons to be trained on the mutinous students. Now Hamilton is a free university, and only a small military history department is still involved with training military officers. The long time president of the university is perhaps Canada's only national hero, David Harrington, whose televised trial and near execution prompted the events of the Northern Spring.

Harrington, head of the Artillery School at the Academy in 1980, is now a very old man. His body is failing him, not only from old age but from war injuries from the forties, as well as torture at the hands of the secret police in 1980. He moves very slowly and his hearing and sight are poor, but his mind is clear as a bell, and he was more than willing to speak to us about his memories of the war, and how the first collaboration of Americans and Canadians as allies, rather than enemies, would shape the resistance to Buck's rule.

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HARRINGTON: My very first encounter with Americans was a day after I was conscripted into the Royal Army. I was barely shaving, and I didn't know the first thing about a rifle. I wasn't really sure what I was doing or even why I was there. When the Americans came across the Detroit River, I got rid of my rifle and uniform and pretended I was a civilian in the wrong place at the wrong time.

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RADEK: And two years later you were in charge of an artillery unit in Morocco? After a start like that?

HARRINGTON: *laughs* Oh it seems unlikely, doesn't it? But it's because I passed for a civilian I was even able to do it. People who were known to have served in the Royal Army were kept out of the Expeditionary Force. Buck saw anybody who so much as saluted a Union Jack as a threat.

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RADEK: How did the Expeditionary Force fare without making use of veterans?

HARRINGTON: Badly. We were, quite honestly, an embarrassment. Buck was very proud of his armored division, but he never reached out to the French to teach us how to actually fight effectively with tanks. The Quebecois were well schooled by French advisers, and they did well, and the Algerians were all FLN guerrilla veterans, and the Americans were saddled with teaching us how to fight.

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RADEK: Was it awkward to be trained by an army you had just fought a few years prior?

HARRINGTON: Not particularly, no. The Americans weren't the odd part, it was the Canadians. The... other Canadians.

RADEK: The exiles?

HARRINGTON: Yes, many of them were fighting with the American Red Army. For the first time since Buck came to power, we actually came face to face with people who despised the man we were not allowed to despise. They took it upon themselves to subvert the commissar line. We were not raised in the Buck system, like the generation that followed ours, but still it was very new to us to find that Buck's socialism was not the socialism practiced elsewhere.

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RADEK: How did the differences in Totalist and syndicalist army command affect the war effort?

HARRINGTON: Let's just say we were lucky to be fighting Germany's least prepared garrison. A strict command in the style of what we used to have up here is not necessarily a bad design, but the commanders were chosen based off their loyalty to Buck, not their skill. Indeed, the only really skilled veterans were either barred from fighting at all or had fled to America and were fighting for them.

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RADEK: Did your commanders attempt to segregate you from the other nationalities? It seems like they were more political enforcers than field commanders.

HARRINGTON: They weren't concerned about us in the least. They were only worried about having their names on the reports sent to the Chairman. Buck wanted to prove something to the Americans, hence the armor, hence the mad dash to Tangier.

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RADEK: What was he trying to prove?

HARRINGTON: I don't think he was stupid enough to believe America could ever be threatened by Canada, at least not until he dabbled in nuclear weapons. But he did obsess over making himself useful to Chicago. We didn't know it at the time in Canada, but of course the invective against him in anarchist and trade unionist circles across the world was ceaseless. He felt like he was under siege from all sides, so he always tried to please Chicago and Paris even when they balked at his style of leadership.

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RADEK: Do you think that is what made him paranoid in later years?

HARRINGTON: I'm not a psychiatrist. Maybe so. I do remember seeing the commanders completely freaked out when the Americans started establishing control over the territory we were covering.

RADEK: That's a pretty odd thing to freak out about.

HARRINGTON: Based off what I've learned since, with all that's come out and all that we've learned here at Hamilton, it seems that Buck was forever scheming to install Totalist rulers. He felt alone, and excepting Georgia, he was. He wanted Morocco to be... given, I suppose, to Canada. As some kind of reward, as Canada's slice of the pie. Then he would at least one ally who would have a stake in the continuation of Totalism.

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RADEK: The Americans obviously didn't see it that way?

HARRINGTON: No. They either thought that Canadian interest and American interest were one and the same, or they regarded our efforts as a kind of penance for the actions of the monarchy. Either way, we were a puppet state, and Buck was only suffered so long as he had something to contribute. In the early stages of the war, he paid for his power by supplying the troops, along with the Quebecois, that were used to deal with the Germans in Morocco.

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RADEK: So after this was the infamous Buck-Gitlow blow-up in Chicago?

HARRINGTON: Yes. The only three entities at the table when it came to Morocco were the FLN, France and the Combined Syndicates. Gitlow made it abundantly clear that Buck's opinion was not needed.

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HARRINGTON: They were going to go ahead with Ali Yata and Abdallah Ibrahim, both Paris exiles. And Buck was not happy about it. We're not sure exactly what he said to Gitlow, but we do know that after that, Gitlow began to freeze Buck out of decision making completely and Buck began planning for a time when America would be hostile to him.

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RADEK: I'm sure Morocco appreciates that Buck didn't have a seat at that table.

HARRINGTON: I would imagine so. The other effect of the freeze out is that Marshall effectively subsumed the CEF fully into the American Red Army for the extent of the war. Marshall was slicker than most people give him credit for, and he spent the time to sideline the commissars. Then after that, we were able to elect our commanders.

RADEK: Radical, considering the state of Canada.

HARRINGTON: Yes, indeed. After the war, going home to a place with no democracy of any kind. It was hard to stomach, and a lot of CEF veterans ended up in Detroit and Seattle. Once we were exposed to what it could be, many could not deal with what it was at home.

RADEK: How did you adapt when you returned home?

HARRINGTON: I devoted myself to becoming an artillery expert. To think about life outside my narrow duty was depressing. Of course, until my most famous student changed everything and shot Buck dead.

RADEK: Over three decades later. What was your initial reaction to seeing Buck gone?

HARRINGTON: I, like most CEF, didn't like the man. But I was concerned that the void could bring chaos. Of course, I soured on his entire lot when they threw me in jail. It was through those show trials that I really began to realize what I had been living through, enabling in a sense. I was to be sacrificed, whether I was guilty or not, in order to keep the atmosphere of fear going.

RADEK: Did you have hope when you were awaiting execution?

HARRINGTON: No. I had always tried to instill a sense of duty in my cadets, and I cursed myself for that, because I assumed they would remain loyal to the state.

RADEK: But they mutinied instead and joined the anarchists.

HARRINGTON: Yes. And I could not be more proud of them for their bravery in defying the state.

RADEK: Before I go, Mr. Harrington, I have one final question for you. Has America been a friend or enemy of the Canadian people since the North American War?

*long pause*

HARRINGTON: I will say this. The American people have always been a friend to our people. The American government, not always. I can understand why they put up with Buck at first but I cannot say I understand why they suffered Buck for so long. Why my students had to be the ones to resist the Republican Army when the Red Army could have put an end to it at any time. It seems just so incredibly neglectful. But they did intervene when the fate of the nation hung in the balance. And they did give refuge to those who escaped. The American government has been nothing but generous to Canada since the Spring. The American people have welcomed us into the modern world with open arms.

*another long pause*

HARRINGTON: But America still has sins to atone for. That is all I will say.

RADEK: Thank you.

________________________________________

Tune in same time next week for the next installment of Love/Hate. The post-war period saw American disdain for Buck grow to new heights, and Buck's paranoia and resentment to run out of control. How did the Canadian state become so repressive, how did it become such an insular state with such long borders, and how much did the American government really know about the worst of Buck's abuses as they happened? We'll get into all of that and more. See you then.

 
Chapter Ten: Homeland (September 9, 1942 – January 30, 1943

Excerpts from The Red Army in West Africa by Jeremiah Hutchinson

Writings by an unknown soldier who served in West Africa

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The Revolution did not sweep away the racist history of the United States overnight, as many other volumes demonstrate in far greater detail than this one could. There was certainly racial mistrust present within the Red Army as it operated overseas. Factions within the Chamber pressed for rapid integration that would assign recruits to units based off a percentage system. Units such as the Abraham Lincoln Corps would receive mainly white recruits, while the Benjamin Franklin Corps would receive more black recruits. The proposal was vetoed by the Supreme Commander. The reasoning was that there was an operational and morale advantage to assigning recruits to a theater based on their ethnicity. America is famous for its immense diversity, and so the American Red Army had the option of sending Italian speakers to Italy, Spanish speakers to Spain, and controversially, black volunteers to sub-Saharan Africa.

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Nothing prepared us for what we would see in the German territory. In the idle time between the French surrender and the order to attack, we would sit and act as though we were hardened veterans. We had seen the brutality, villages burned by retreating Imperials. We had seen it all. Or so we thought.

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Marshall’s plan was effective to a degree. Many recruits expressed a patriotic or ideological motivation for joining up, but the Revolution brought about an explosion of identity politics that gave other recruits different motivations. The Chicago government, portraying itself as the advocate of those who were ignored or exploited by the pre-revolutionary system, was motivated to promote secularism and pluralism, as opposed to the previous dominance of Christianity, and also to challenge the ‘racial hierarchy’ present in society, which put white Anglo-Saxon Protestants on top of the pyramid. This is one explanation for the proliferation of culturally based political advocacy groups, such as The American-African Society or the Italian American Men’s Association. With the outbreak of war, members of these groups enlisted en masse. Marshall adeptly recognized that these groups expected to fight in their motherlands. However, there were areas where very few Americans had roots in, such as the Saharan desert. These areas were left as the responsibility of indigenous forces, which were often unorganized and politically fractious for varying reasons.

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The trucks were blessings. Originally because they kept us off our feet. This time it was because we did not need to stop in every village. Every village brought a fresh set of horrors. Trucks inspire idleness, while walking forces us to engage with our surroundings. We needed to clear our minds and ignore what was around us if we were to survive this.

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This political wrangling led to an American force in West Africa that was nearly two thirds black. These forces were given the lowest priority when it came to heavy weapons and air support. For decades after the war, theories and accusations bounded that the blackness of these forces was what caused the mostly white high command to neglect them.

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Brutality begets brutality. Look into the eyes of a colonizer and know that he, or someone he’d die for, has the blood of children on their hands. Know that your own ancestors languished under the whip, died as property of another, and dreamed of the homeland that was taken from them. Go to your homeland and find that your long lost cousins are being treated the same way by the man who stands before you. Tell me that you wouldn’t strike him down where he stood. If you knew what that felt like, you would not judge us.

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Nothing in the communications of the American high command supports the hypothesis that the West African effort was neglected because of racist feeling. Instead, West Africa was neglected because the strategic goals of taking pressure off of the French and securing both entrances to the Mediterranean were considered paramount. The forces in Europe and North Africa were far better equipped than the colonial army of Mittelafrika. The enemy was on the attack in Europe, but they were certainly on the defensive in Africa.

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I don’t remember my first kill. I fired a lot of rounds. I remember hitting somebody. They probably died. But I do remember my first murder. He couldn’t have been more than twenty five. He was probably born in Africa. We found him a mile down the road from an abandoned diamond mine filled with skeletons. There was a diamond in his pocket.

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The poor infrastructure of Mittelafrika created difficulties for the German colonial army. The army was meant to put down tribal rebellions, not fight a war against a top tier military, even one without air support or heavy weapons. A quarter million Americans faced off against about eighty thousand German troops in the early stages of the conflict. There were many more German units throughout Africa, but the vast expanse of Africa and the lack of railroads meant that the colonials in West Africa were alone for the opening months of the conflict.

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There were more. I could probably list how many and the details of each one if I wanted to dwell on it. But I don’t. I left Georgia to discover my past, to see if I could restore the bits of humanity stripped from me over the centuries. Africa did not give me back what the white man had taken. It almost robbed me of what was left. The jungle suffocated me, the memory of family and progress at home draining from my mind, slowly replaced by a burning and limitless hatred for the hell that greed and racism built around me. To see the ocean was to be reminded that this was not the whole world. My ancestors were dragged to these same shores against their will, sold into servitude, packed onto ships like livestock. How ironic that seeing it made me feel free.

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Despite being outmanned, outgunned and outmaneuvered, the colonial army was still able to make life difficult for the Red Army. The Americans had no experience in jungle warfare and were remarkably uninterested in the tribal and religious dynamics of the area of operations. Conversely, the colonial army was familiar with the terrain, and knew how to pick and choose their battles. Regions with more settlers were more amenable to the colonial forces, especially as rumors of atrocities against the white settler population spread.

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No matter what intangible advantages they had, the colonial army was unable to match the speed with which the Americans could move. The Americans sought to encircle and eliminate as much of the Mittelafrikan army as they could. Having the ability to attack from the Tuareg territories to the north allowed the motorized forces to divide West Africa into pockets, leaving the less mobile colonials trapped with their backs to the sea.

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As the war dragged on, the Americans began to adapt to the environment they were fighting in. One of the painful lessons learned early was how disease could be deadlier than the enemy. By the end of the conflict, the West African theater had produced a number of medical innovations that were later used in various disease eradication campaigns in the sixties and seventies.

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Eventually, we got a delivery from home. Nets and mail. I’ve never been happier to receive anything in my life than those two items. One saved me from disease, the other saved me from the abyss. It was a reminder that our families and our government cared for our well being. It was a reminder of what it meant to be a human being.

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The colonials put up a spirited defense, perhaps knowing that the Americans largely regarded them as war criminals. In the end, however, they were doomed by their inability to match the mobility of the Americans. One by one, the settler cities of West Africa fell.

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(Mobutu would have been about twelve years old at this point. Unless its somebody else)

Power corrupts. This is well known. But the implications of that were lost on me until I went to Africa. I always believed that the black man was inherently more righteous. Now I know I believed this because I had never known a black man with power. There were not enough settlers to systemically break down the black African like what had been done to us. This evil required the cooperation of black people. Black people who sold out their own for their own benefit. Racism was only the excuse for all of this. The lust for power was the reason.

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After the fall of Lagos and Accra to the Americans, the colonials changed their strategy. Instead of attempting to hold back the superior Red Army, they now sought to make a nuisance of themselves. The longer that their presence required American troops to be deployed to Africa, the longer it would take for those troops to be redeployed to another, more vital front. Abidjan, still recovering from being raided by Australasian marines, was sacked by the colonial army.

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Another desperation strategy was conceived, in which colonial units would march north across Tuareg territory in an attempt to disrupt North African operations. The timely arrival of newly raised FLN units allowed the Tuaregs to push the Germans back and prevent them from escaping to the north.

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Abidjan is where it ended for me. The city had been ravaged twice in the space of a year. Most of the city was burnt or burning, as the colonizers set fire to everything they could. I wish I could say it enraged me. By that point, I was too numb to feel even rage.

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Encirclement led to the destruction of nearly a third of Mittelafrika’s army, and the haste to bag even more divisions led the Americans to stretch themselves to the limit. Troops were exhausted, equipment was in desperate need of repair, and supply lines had not quite caught up with the advance.

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Still, the Americans pushed ahead, leading to some precarious positions. Fortunately, the colonial army was in an even greater state of disarray, and thus were unable to capitalize on the American mistakes.

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It took some time for us to root out all of the enemy around Abidjan. The locals were armed and prepared to fight their own battles, and after securing the city, we were ready to pack the prisoners onto an America-bound ship and head east.

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The thought of more battle didn’t excite me, but it didn’t sicken me either. I had become accustomed to it, it was who I was now. Violence and retribution were my air and water. I had forgotten how to live without them. On the last day in Abidjan, as we were packing our trucks and preparing to move out, my commander stopped me and gave me a packet. New orders. I was getting on the ship with the prisoners. I was going home.

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The Americans became more adept at cooperating with indigenous forces as the conflict wore on. The working relationship established between the Tuareg peoples and the Red Army during the Saharan Expedition bore fruit, as Tuareg forces assumed most of the responsibility for defending the northern section of the front.

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As each successive colonial strategy failed to stop the American advance, Goering himself would take command of a front line unit. His belief in his own abilities bordered on delusional. His writings from the front show a man who had come to mistrust everybody around him and even to deny obvious truths about the situation of his front line. To Goering, a noted white supremacist, the supposed inherent superiority of the German people should be enough to push back the ‘mongrel Americans’. His time as a field commander was mainly spent executing suspected traitors and committing atrocities against the native population.

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Ever since I heard that man speak about how America could never be a black man’s home, I had romanticized Africa as where I belonged. It would be unfair to judge Africa based solely on a time of war and exploitation, but my experiences in the homeland would be inextricably linked with how I regarded it. The day I left, there were celebrations as a new republic was proclaimed in formerly German and French territory. These people had power for the first time in a long time.

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Right off the bat, they were arguing over what was rightfully theirs. As I had suspected, power was immediately corrupting.

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The last pocket of colonial resistance in the initial area of operations was wiped out by the end of January 1943. The American battle plan had worked. It was far from flawless but the initial months of the campaign helped the Americans learn a variety of lessons that would prove crucial as they continued the campaign of liberation.

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I had initially argued with the commander. I felt compelled to demand that I fight alongside my brothers. He gestured for me to open the packet. I read the destination: South Carolina. Not far from home. Then I read his comments. I was ‘steadily becoming mentally unfit for frontline duty’. He looked me in the eyes with the kind of stare that can scan your very soul. All soldiers lose part of their humanity. To kill another human so they don’t kill you is an almost animalistic behavior. I was losing far more than part of mine. I was forgetting what I was here for. I no longer cared about life or death, let alone the politics and strategy of it all. I no longer cared if I went to Heaven or Hell, because no Hell could be worse than what I had seen. I did not care if Africa was free, because surely some would merely replace the Germans. I didn’t care about anything at that point.





 





I went onto the boat, because the thought of further refusal or killing myself seemed equally as pointless, but more difficult. As I boarded, a teenager disembarked, his eyes wide as the ocean he’d just crossed. He was pure. I could only hope that some of him would survive the long journey to Dar Es Salaam. He asked me for advice as I walked up the gangplank. Apparently in his mind, I was the grizzled veteran who would mentor the fresh faced recruit, like in the movies. I stared at him, silent, as the enthusiasm on his face gave way to bewilderment. I had nothing to say to him. He would have to discover Hell for himself.


 
Chapter Eleven: Rectified (Spain: October 12, 1942 - January 27, 1943)

(this one pasted over ugly, you'll have to deal with it because i'm not fixing it)

"¿Traidores? ¡Ridículo!"

Greta Ghannam, 94, is the oldest person in Puente Viejo, a small village five miles to the south of Cordoba, Iberia. She is short and weathered, but her garden and diet keeps her in better shape than most her age. She is getting agitated while watching a broadcast of the Europa Cup semifinal between Saint-Étienne and FC Barcelona. The crowd in Barcelona, one of Europe’s most political cities, is taunting their team’s French opponents with cries of “Traitors!”, a common refrain when French teams come into town and a reference to the French refusal to send military aid to the embattled CNT-FAI during the failed Spanish Revolution. Its volume tends to correlate with anarchist discontent on the streets of Barcelona.

It is a scene that is confusing to Greta and her husband Ahmed, the second oldest person in Puente Viejo. Greta and Ahmed are supporters of Al-Andalus CF, four time La Liga champions and one time Europa Cup finalist. Ahmed, originally from Oran, Algeria, was a founding member and its very first goalkeeper. Ahmed and Greta no longer attend every game as they once did, but they are planning on attending next week’s game against Ibiza United, another La Liga member club founded by a generation of foreign soldiers like Ahmed who invaded Spain in 1942 and then never left. Ibiza United was founded by a group of British soldiers. Al-Andalus CF and Gibraltar FC (founded by Canadians) are the other two member clubs of Iberia’s top flight league which were founded by foreign soldiers in the wake of the Great European War. There are a few dozen more like them in the lower divisions of Iberian football.

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Greta Ghannam has lived her entire life in Puente Viejo. The Spanish Revolution broke out three days after her first wedding. Her brother, a member of the CNT-FAI, left the wedding and went directly to Catalonia to join the socialist militias. He was never heard from again. Greta believes he was killed in the Carlist purges in Barcelona, but nobody has ever been able to confirm that account. Her father was a colonel in the King’s army, he was killed in action four months into the conflict. Her new husband was part of her father’s staff, he died alongside his father-in-law. Of her six male cousins, three died in the war and one died of an illness that Greta believes could have been cured if the doctor in town hadn’t been conscripted (and also killed).

She remembers the day the Great War began. She doesn’t remember having any particular emotional reaction, as Spain had been embroiled in war for years at that point. “I suppose I felt badly for the people in France but… There had been so much death already.”

A few hours later, the news hit that the American Revolutionary Marines had landed in Cadiz. That is when she knew the war was finally going to end. The Carlists and Royalists had been at a stalemate in central Spain for years, and the body count had gone from enormous to unimaginable. An estimated forty percent of males born between 1910 and 1930 were either killed, maimed or fled the country during the conflict, leaving many towns like Puente Viejo with far more women than men.

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The two sides were exhausted and under equipped, and the Royalists had little chance of repelling the elite of the American Red Army. They tried anyway. Greta remembers the army marching south through the village on the road to Sevilla.

“A few of them were boasting they were going to throw the Americans back into the sea. Most looked like they knew it was hopeless.”

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A few weeks later, the Americans arrived. Greta broke into laughter when I asked if there were any suitors among the Marines.

“Oh, a few. A few…”

Ahmed peered over his newspaper at his wife, sending their grandson into his own fit of laughter.

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“The Americans used Cordoba as a base for weeks. They were pleasant as could be, or at least they seemed so amidst the brutality. A few Spaniards came around later. They were a bit more rude. They demanded to know where we were hiding our men. Didn’t believe us when we said they were gone.”

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The Americans left, and Greta had not been proposed to like some of her neighbors had been. She wasn’t particularly on the lookout, still in mourning over her family, but a few of the Marines were “charming”.

As Ahmed peered over the paper again, Greta changed the subject.

“Oh, but then I met my dear Ahmed.”

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Ahmed was a member of the FLN in Algeria. He assassinated a police captain at 14, took up arms against the Imperial French at 16, and volunteered to go to Spain at 18. He never expected to stay there for seventy years.

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“I had been working at the American airbase in Oran, trying to pick up what I could in order to become a pilot. What I learned is that the Algerian military was handing out the desired positions based more on the prestige of one’s military record, rather than its relevance. To fight in Spain would be a feather in my cap, so to speak, even if it had nothing to do with flying a plane.”

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So two weeks later, Ahmed was in Spain, fighting alongside Quebecois and American forces against the beleaguered royalist forces.

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“I was enthusiastic in Algeria. Spain, though, it was honestly depressing. We captured Malaga from a force of three hundred men, while having thirty thousand on our side. A hundred to one! Spain was a beautiful place, but it was also a broken one.”

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Ahmed’s revolutionary fervor faded. The strategic significance of his actions was clear enough but rather than the reactionary mortal enemies in Algeria who were directly responsible for his suffering, the men he was fighting in Spain were demoralized and exhausted. Many threw down their weapons as soon as his unit arrived.

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“‘Better them than the Carlists.’ I heard that many times. They were just so ready to have the war be over and rebuild.”

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The American Marines who had charmed Greta continued north to Madrid in an attempt to save the capital from the Carlists who were capitalizing on the Internationale landings, leaving the task of protecting the captured areas to non-American troops like Ahmed.

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Civilians like Greta were urged to organize workers’ and peasants’ councils in preparation for the establishment of socialist government. Greta took her mind off the war and began compiling a list of Puente Viejo’s needs, which the American Red Army command promised would eventually be met. She did, however, take notice with regards to Madrid. The Americans were battling forces led by General Francisco Franco, who had been her father’s commander as well as the de facto leader of southern Spain in the last months of the war. She hoped that some sign of what had happened to her husband and father might be uncovered.

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“With the bombing, and the fighting though… I have come to peace with it.”

Greta is visibly upset.

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“The Carlists buried the truth. They died as heroes, I’m sure.”

Greta looks to Ahmed, and smiles.

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“I first met Greta as we came through this town on our way to Granada.”

“I taught him some Spanish. He tried to court me without knowing the language.”

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“I learned more as time went on. And I always remembered Puente Viejo.”

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“When the final operations were taking place, I was sitting in Granada, wondering what my next move would be. Go back home? Volunteer for Italy? Career, career, career.”

“But instead he came back to Puente Viejo. To me.”

Another voice pipes up for the first time.

“And he proposed and here he was ever since. Yeah, yeah, yeah.”

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Greta and Ahmed’s grandson is buried in his handheld computer in the corner, smirking in a way that looks familiar to any grandparent. He’s heard all these stories before, I’m sure.

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The story of Ahmed and Greta is one that is common across Spain. The sheer human cost of the Spanish Revolution meant there were countless Gretas, Spaniards without their loved ones, shattered families. And there were thousands of Ahmeds, from Quebec, Algeria, Canada, the Combined Syndicates, Britain and elsewhere. Spain’s factories and fields were idle and there were not enough people, let alone men, to fill them.

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When asked if the demise of the kingdom affected her in any way, Greta shrugged.

“Ahmed was already here. He is all the king I need.”

Another eye roll from the grandson in the corner.

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Ahmed and Greta were part of the first peasants council convened in their area. Ahmed’s name is on the founder’s plaque at the office of the local farming syndicate. Ahmed helped to organize a meeting of Algerian settlers in the Cordoba region. Out of that meeting came the idea to play a friendly football match against a group of pied-noir settlers, and Al-Andalus CF was born. Ahmed is as Spanish as Spain can be, not so much because Ahmed assimilated into Spain, but rather the war-torn nation had a void that Ahmed and other immigrant men filled, changing the very fabric of Spanish society.

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And so, Greta’s ranting at the television begins to make some more sense. In her eyes, which have seen so much, Iberia’s allies, whether it be France or America or Algeria, brought normalcy and love back to her life, when Spain’s own had nearly destroyed it. The May Day demonstrations in Barcelona are not representative of the entire nation, clearly. Greta instead plans to spend her May Day in Cordoba at a festival that dates to the war, where teams descended from different groups of soldiers compete in various contests. Their grandson Diego is not sure if he wants to join the Quebecois or Algerian team, as his father (and Ahmed and Greta’s son-in-law) is the son of a Quebecois soldier who moved to Badajoz after the war.

“My sweet Diego, he is part French, is he a traitor? No!”

Her grandson whispers to me.

“I’ve given up trying to explain the difference between France and Quebec. Abuela hears what she wants to hear.”

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Diego says he’ll make his decision soon enough. He’d rather focus on getting his schoolwork done so that he can attend Al-Andalus CF’s next match against Ibiza United. Ahmed starts into another story, this one about the Scottish striker who he had a fight with during the La Liga semi-final in 1952.

Judging by the look on Diego’s face, he’s heard this one before.

 
Last edited by a moderator:
Chapter Twelve: The Knights (Central Mediterranean: September 11, 1942 - February 10, 1943)

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“Why is Bordiga being so difficult about this? We've already pledged one of our best units and he's still dithering.”

“He’s worried about being invaded from sea? It’s understandable I guess.”

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“When the intelligence shows the Germans are reinforcing the Federation in Florence?”

“I’ve tried to tell them a thousand times. They won’t listen.”

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“How do we get them on board?”

“If the French can capture Genoa, it might just convince them to help us make a push.”

“Genoa is a secondary… hell, tertiary priority for the French. They're certainly trying with what they've got there but I wouldn't bet on it with how impossible that terrain is.”

“Any other ideas?”

“We need to establish naval control over the central Mediterranean. Remove the threat of invasion.”

“How do we do that?”

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“The British have some land-based bombers they’ve offered to transfer to Palermo.”

“Is that enough?”

“Probably not.”

“Then what would be?”

“I was hoping we could wait until we have the canal to make the call but...”

“But what? What call?”

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“Malta.”

_____________________________________

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The battleships went course, and were nowhere to be seen when the German’s recon planes spotted us off shore. So we had to go ahead without their big guns. First problem.

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Somebody also managed to give the bombers imprecise instructions, in the interest of “operational security”. They wasted precious hours bombing the wrong beaches. Second problem.

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And then a group of Australasian destroyers showed up in the company of some Ottoman rust buckets, apparently looking to harbor in the naval base of their co-belligerents but more than happy to turn their guns on some boats that couldn’t fire back. Third problem.

There we were, trying to storm German fortifications with no fire support, with no air support, and with naval guns trained on us instead of our enemies. Then like modern day reverse Paul Reveres, we began to celebrate that the British were coming.

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The explosions of enemy ships on the horizon and the welcome sight of aircraft heralded the arrival of the mighty Republican Navy. To be supported by a first rate navy was a welcome change of pace. Apparently they were building the most modern carriers in Newport News, but that was no comfort to those of us whose lives were in the hands of the current American Navy, a decidedly second-tier outfit after the past five years of first fighting itself and then fighting Chicago for every dime it had. Leave it to the Combined Syndicates to commit to a war on the other side of the Atlantic and then realize it doesn’t have nearly enough capital ships. But I digress.

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After a rough start, things were finally starting to come together for us. Our own battleships finally showed up, joining the Republican Navy in laying down a vicious bombardment that drove the Germans from their menacing fortifications.

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Once they were thrown out of their forts, the German troops on Malta were exposed for what they really were, a forgotten group of undertrained and underequipped recruits more used to monitoring locals then defending against marines. Knights Hospitaller they were not.

______________________________

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“They just surrendered Malta. Champagne?”

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“No time for that. Bordiga promised to put the Republic’s army under Rose’s command when we took the island. We’ve got some work to do.”

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“Good, good. The Germans are already on the move on the Adriatic coast. We’ll need everything we’ve got to keep them back.”

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“Especially air superiority.”

“We’ve moved our best fighter squadrons from France to Italy.”

“France is okay with that?”

“If it helps us take out the Federation, they say they’ll manage.”

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“The Republic does have some other assets we could put to good use. We’ve had our eyes on some convoys coming out of the Aegean.”

“The Taranto sub fleet? Those things are ancient!”

“They’ll do against the Ottomans, though. We’re not going after the High Seas Fleet here.”

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“Without the German air base at Malta, the Republic’s bombers can operate more freely over the area as well.”

“So long as they don’t get too close to Crete.”

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“It’s good that we’ve freed up all the Republic’s forces but it’s not nearly enough. What the hell did they do with all that aid the French gave them?”

“Believe me you should have seen it a few years ago. It’s amazing they’ve improved this much. We’re definitely going to need more men.”

“We’re working on that.”

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“When will they be in theater and ready for frontline service?”

“Early spring, hopefully.”

“Then we need to put a plan together for spring. The French can hold through the winter but Jesus knows what the Germans are planning for a spring offensive. How can we break this front wide open?”

“Well… the recon reports from our last major air raid into the north are in, and…”

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“Yes?”

“I think we’ve found the chink in the armor.”

 
Chapter Thirteen: Exporting the Revolution (Worldwide News: August - November 1942)

Newsreel produced by Los Angeles Bureau of Filmmakers using footage provided by the American Red Army, Communal Army and Republican Air Force. Released to public December 3, 1942.

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THE WAR RAGES ON

The brave worker-warriors of the Internationale do battle across the world against the forces of capitalism and imperialism! In the fields of Flanders, the hills of Italy, the skies of Europe and across the seven seas, your American Red Army and our allies fight for freedom.

THE RED NAVY PROTECTS US

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The German Empire seeks to divide and conquer the Internationale by sending their warships into the Atlantic Ocean. The sailors of the Red Navy endeavor to protect the vital lines of supply that connect us to our European allies.

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Whether it be the German High Seas Fleet or the Ottoman Navy, our big battleships stand on guard to keep safe the food and fuel America works so hard to provide to the war effort.

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Look at that big Turkish battleship go under! Go get em!

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Our Red Navy braves the dangerous seas, fighting one of the toughest fights of all.

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Ships and the sailors who keep them floating take incredible risks, and not all will make it home, like the New York, which went under off the coast of Morocco.

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The rest of our Red Navy lives on to fight another day! Enlist today!

BRITAIN JOINS THE FIGHT

Earlier this month, Britain’s finest scientists arrived in California to share their wealth of knowledge in a meeting with America’s brightest minds. What are they working on? Well we can’t just tell you that now, can we?

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But rest assured that the Internationale’s scientists, free of the capitalist system of intellectual property that holds our enemies back, will provide our soldiers with all of the tools they need.

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One need only see the Republican Air Force in action over the English Channel against the Messerschmidts of the German Luftwaffe to see how skilled these British engineers are. The Supermarine Spitfire stands ready to keep the Luftwaffe out of Britain. What an impressive aircraft!

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And using those impressive British war machines are the veterans of the Republican Armed Forces. Forged in the fires of the Great War, crafty soldiers like the famous T.E. Lawrence are ready, willing and able to bring the fight to the Prague Pact on every front.

THE BATTLE OF FLANDERS

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In German-occupied Belgium, the battle between the free world and the imperialists has reached a fever pitch. French armor has plunged deep behind enemy lines on a daring mission.

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The German army stands in their path, manning the fortress line in German-occupied Lorraine.

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While the Communal army has liberated Belgium from their German oppressors, the Internationale can never rest.

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Where will the Prague Pact counterattack? We can’t be sure, but we know it is coming, which makes the American war effort, including what has been asked of YOU, all the more important.

DELHI DOOMED

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While all eyes have been on Europe, the revolution in Asia got some welcome news. While our Indian comrades in the Bhartiya Commune continue their struggle against the petty princes of the south, the untrustworthy Royalists in the northwest have embroiled themselves in a war with Turkestan over Afghanistan. They’ll have a hard time bringing any fight to the Internationale with a new enemy on their doorstep!

AMERICAN HERO: DAVID MCCAMPBELL

This week’s American Hero is…

Red Navy Commander David McCampbell, from Bessemer, Alabama.

Commander McCampbell graduated from the United States Naval Academy in 1933 as a marine engineer. When the revolution broke out, he was stationed at Pensacola, Florida, learning how to fly.

“Well, when all the instructors left the base, I still couldn’t fly. So I went home to take care of my mama. I’m sure glad I didn’t have to fight any Americans. It isn’t what I signed up for.”

Archivist Note: This is untrue. McCampbell volunteered and flew as a fighter pilot in the Union State Air Force, scoring five kills against both the United States Army Air Force and the Syndicate Air Guards. This was likely omitted in the interest of promoting unity during wartime.

After joining up with the Red Navy, Commander McCampbell learned to fly the PAB-40 Havoc bomber.

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It was with this plane, product of the Pacific Aerospace Bureau, that McCampbell struck one of the first blows against the German Empire.

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“It was a direct hit. One of my finest bits of work.”

Commander McCampbell dropped the bomb that sunk the SMS Konig a few weeks ago.

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“Flak, fighter planes, it's always a dangerous job.”

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Commander McCampbell’s unit of naval bombers is responsible for protecting the ships that transport men and materiel throughout Europe. The Red Navy can’t be everywhere at once, but the range of these bombers allows Navy fliers like McCampbell to strike anywhere at any time.

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“The Germans sure do try to avoid our big battleships. I don’t blame them for that.”

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“But they can’t avoid us.”

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Under the watchful eye of our Navy pilots, our ships are able to keep the war effort moving, anywhere around the world.

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“What am I most proud of? That soldiers make it to their destination safely because of what we do.”

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Keep the seas safe, Commander!

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Archivists note: An illustration is present in the original reel showing the importance of Greenland, likely coincident with the British declaration of war on Denmark. No audio was ever recorded to accompany it, and the graphic was left out of the version released to the public. It was likely regarded as irrelevant and not flattering to the Internationale, due to the attack on a neutral nation.

SILENT WARRIORS

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Somewhere in the Pacific… A mighty German war fleet is running scared.

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Ship after ship explodes in the night, as invisible killers strike from the depths.

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As German ships attempt to bring the fruits of colonial slave labor to the Fatherland, your Red Navy submarine fleet is there to send ill-gotten rubber to the bottom of the ocean.

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Do you want to do your part in strangling the German war machine? Then go to your local Red Navy recruiting office and sign up today.

And from Los Angeles, and all over the world, the men and women of the Combined Syndicates military thank you for your continued service and loyalty to the war effort. Please join us next week for more news you need to know.

 
Chapter Fourteen: Pragmatism (Eastern Mediterranean: October 18, 1942 - March 10, 1943)

Thread Title: Warzone 1942 Update Released!

Posted By: [Dev] mlarson

Body: We're excited to announced that our second Middle East update has been completed. This update includes:

Four new playable factions:

-Cretan Protectorate

-Egypt

-Ottoman Empire

-Canada

Six new maps

-Crete: Storm the beaches as a Revolutionary Marine or defend it as a Cretan Guard!

-Fuqa: Take part in the pivotal battle of the Egyptian theater. Either storm the Egyptian defenses or hold back the rapid American Red Army.

-Bir Nahid: The new M-22 Buck tank has been deployed to Africa as a symbol of Canadian power. Break through the Egyptian lines or spoil Chairman Buck's grand designs in an asymmetrical map unlike any in Warzone.

-Alexandria: Urban warfare is the name of the game in this infantry-based map.

-Giza: The Pyramids loom in the distance as the Egyptian army makes a desperate last stand to keep the American Red Army out of Cairo.

-Rhodes: You asked for it, we made it! Our most unique map yet. Be an American in the air or an Ottoman in the sea, as the Americans launch an air raid on the Ottoman naval base in Rhodes. The Americans must sink the Ottoman big ships before too many of their planes are shot down. Unlike any game mode we've released yet!

Includes twenty new vehicles and forty new weapons as well! Look for the third and final Middle East update in June.

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Thread Title: Air in Fuqa Stage I is WAY OVERPOWERED

Posted By: xXxh4yw00dxXx

Body: Okay, so the devs finally made a map that plays well in a bomber plane but they went too far and made the American bombers on Fuqa One way way too powerful. It's impossible for the Egyptians to do well on stage two or three when they're at such a disadvantage. Hope that the next rebalance addresses this :)

Signature:

ABRAHAM LINCOLN CORPS: THE FINEST CLAN IN WZ1942

JOIN TODAY

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Reply #1:

Posted By: TheKiller

Body: Looks like somebody's mad they can't hide from a bomber. They said the Middle East updates would be about asymmetrical warfare, if you paid any attention you might have thought to think about your tactics but instead you got owned and now you're bitching like any true ALB amateur would. See you on the battlefield B)

Signature:

Benjamin Franklin Corps - JOIN - THE BEST IN THE WORLD

P.S. ALB SUCKS

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Reply #2:

Posted By: xXxh4yw00dxXx

Body: FUCK YOU HACKER SHITHEAD

Signature:

ABRAHAM LINCOLN CORPS: THE FINEST CLAN IN WZ1942

JOIN TODAY

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Thread Title: WZ1942 is crap game filled with PROPAGANDA and american LIES!!!!!!!1

Posted By: MinoanWARRIORG0D

Body: WHY DOES WZ1942 continue vile LIE that war in crete was a noble battle when it was GENOCIDE??

BOMBERS DESTROY CRETE VILLAGE WHILE german COLLABORATORS backstab NOBLE cRETAN warriors;

OUTRAGEOUS

Signature:

CRETE WIL BE FREE OF GREEK TYRANNY

DOWN WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

DOWN WITH GREECE

DOWN WITH FRANCE

DOWN WITH COMBINED SYNDICATES

CRETE FOREVER

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Reply #1:

Posted By: MinoanWARRIORG0D

Body: it is true that american battleship were there. SHELLING WOMEN AND CHILDREN

Signature:

CRETE WIL BE FREE OF GREEK TYRANNY

DOWN WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

DOWN WITH GREECE

DOWN WITH FRANCE

DOWN WITH COMBINED SYNDICATES

CRETE FOREVER

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Reply #2:

Posted by: TankCommander22 [Mod]

Body: This isn't a gameplay issue, please take this to the off-topic forum.

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Reply #3:

Posted By: MinoanWARRIORG0D

Body: no! the game should tell the TRUTH of how the americans enslaved crete to sell like SLAVES to greece in order for greece to join EU

Signature:

CRETE WIL BE FREE OF GREEK TYRANNY

DOWN WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

DOWN WITH GREECE

DOWN WITH FRANCE

DOWN WITH COMBINED SYNDICATES

CRETE FOREVER

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Reply #4:

Posted by: JohnnyFromDetroit

Body: How would a game about the war cover a treaty signed in 1964? That doesn't even make sense, not even for you.

Signature:

nerf the french

Reply #5:

Posted by: MinoanWARRIORG0D

Body: keep believing the lies, mister johnnyfromLIESVILLE

Signature:

CRETE WIL BE FREE OF GREEK TYRANNY

DOWN WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

DOWN WITH GREECE

DOWN WITH FRANCE

DOWN WITH COMBINED SYNDICATES

CRETE FOREVER

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Reply #6:

Posted by: TankCommander22 [Mod]

Body: That's enough of that. Thread locked and OP suspended.

 
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Thread Title: How to add new marine unit to Malta?

Posted by: aqib444

Body: I really like new weapons for American Marines, how do I add them to the Malta map? I copied the files but they do not load?

Signature: Al-Ahly FOR LIFE

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Reply #1:

Posted by: tonkatruck

Body: You need to rename the files to match the old ones, or else the game won’t load them. Make sure everybody you play with has the same files named the same way or else the map won’t load.

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Thread Title: Expanded Fuqa Stages Mod

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Hello everybody! I really enjoy the Fuqa maps, but I’ve decided I’d like to see more stages based on the stages of the battle and even some ahistoric situations! The first one is Stage One, where the American Red Army is unorganized and the Egyptian Army has an opportunity (that they never took) to repel the invaders. The map has been modified to reduce the respawn rate and defensive positions available for the Americans.

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Reply #524:

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Stage Two is here! This map isn’t much changed from the vanilla version except that the starting positions have been tweaked and the Quebecois, Canadians and Americans have all been combined into one Allied faction specially created to simulate the deep cooperation between the three armies.

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Reply #662:

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Stage Three is finished. This map represents the main advance of the Americans, and so they have more tanks and jeeps at their disposal and are positioned to encircle the Egyptians. The Egyptians are in a precarious position where they really need to prevent themselves being surrounded and so this map has a ‘mad dash’ sense to it that I think you’ll all really enjoy!

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Reply #765:

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Stage Four!!! This one was a bit of a pain to balance but I think I’ve got it. This is a survival map where the Egyptians need to hold at least one point or have at least one person alive for thirty minutes to win the map. To win, the Americans need to use their overwhelming advantage at this stage of the battle to wipe out the Egyptians and move on. I’d appreciate some reports about this one to see if thirty minutes is too much or not enough time. Have fun!

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Reply #1005:

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Okay, listen. I’m not any kind of historian, I simply read about the battle and LOVED the map so I decided to create new scenarios with it. Not everything has to be perfectly historical! It’d be kind of a boring game sometimes if it was. If you don’t like it, don’t download it!

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Reply #2505:

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: No, I’m not expanding it to the El Alamein skirmish. This thread has gotten out of hand, I’ve been called an American shill and an Arab nationalist (I’m from South Africa fyi) too many times to count and I can’t take a thousand more nasty replies about this.

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Reply #5523

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Alright, I had the bug and decided to make an air only version of the map between the Germans and Americans for my own purposes and because a few of you have been so kind in your emails to me, I’ve decided to put it out DESPITE all the negativity in this thread. I hope you enjoy because I’m never releasing another mod again. Good bye.

 
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Thread Title: Rhodes Bug????

Posted by: daBoatCapn

Body: No boats on Rhodes?? Where are the boats??

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Thread Title: MARK LARSON IS A CRYPTOTOTALIST

Posted by: SpiritOf1936

Body: [this message has been removed for abusive content]

Signature: THREE PERCENT OF AMERICANS DEFEATED THE CAPITALISTS. THREE PERCENT CAN KEEP HER FREE. www.defendsyndicalismfromtyranny.org

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Reply #1:

Posted by: SpiritOf1936

Body: [this message has been removed for abusive content]

Signature: THREE PERCENT OF AMERICANS DEFEATED THE CAPITALISTS. THREE PERCENT CAN KEEP HER FREE. www.defendsyndicalismfromtyranny.org

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Reply #2:

Posted by: SpiritOf1936

Body: AND THAT IS WHY I REFUSE TO STAND BY WHILE THESE TRAITORS GLORIFY CANADIAN TYRANNY

Signature: THREE PERCENT OF AMERICANS DEFEATED THE CAPITALISTS. THREE PERCENT CAN KEEP HER FREE. www.defendsyndicalismfromtyranny.org

Reply #3:

Posted by: Cosmos

Body: dude its just a showcase for the new tank calm down

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Thread Title: Was Alexandria even a real battle?

Posted by: billy21

Body: n/t

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Reply #1:

Posted by: aqib444

Body: I live in Alexandria and it was a short but fierce battle, there are still some mosques with bullet holes that were left as a memorial to the dead. Sometimes not covered in textbooks because so few Egyptians left after Fuqa but it did happen!

Signature: Al-Ahly FOR LIFE

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Reply #2:

Posted by: aqib444

Body: Giza was also very short for that matter. I think the developers just wanted to model the pyramids!! :P

Signature: Al-Ahly FOR LIFE

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Reply #3:

Posted by: billy21

Body: wow I didn’t know that and my book didn’t say anything about it. Now that I’ve read up on it, I wonder if they could add in the Egyptian raiding cavalry that got behind American lines. That’d be neat.

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Reply #4:

Posted by: TheKiller

Body: you would want to play on a horse because you suck lmao

Signature:

Benjamin Franklin Corps - JOIN - THE BEST IN THE WORLD

P.S. ALB SUCKS

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Reply #5:

Posted by: billy21

Body: listen turd I’d beat you riding a horse, a donkey or your mom

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Thread Title: No Suez map?

Posted by: MichaelVonPrussia

Body: Once again, this developer continues their anti-historical slander of the German Empire by omitting one of the more heroic episodes of the Second Weltskrieg. The defense of the Suez Canal against the Americans was a glorious moment for the Empire and the fact it has been left out just shows this developer has NO integrity whatsoever.

Signature:

Gott Mit Uns

Visit www.michaelvonprussia.ddr for the TRUTH about Germany

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Reply #1:

Posted by: daBoatCapn

Body: Yeah, yeah! Why can’t we drive boats through the canal? Would be SWEET

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Reply #2:

Posted by: [Dev] mlarson

Body: The defeat of the German garrison is such a minor event that it didn’t register for us to include it in this update, especially when we have the pivotal Operation Vienna to consider for our third update.

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Reply #3:

Posted by: daBoatCapn

Body: Will there be boats?

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Thread Title: Nile interest check?

Posted by: Argonaut

Body: Yes, yes, I know I said I was quitting modding forever but I just saw a great special about some American soldiers going down the Nile. Not sure how many battles there are to speak of really but some of the locales are great and I was wondering if any map makers and texture artists might be interested in putting together a Nile map pack?

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Reply #1:

Posted by: [Dev] mlarson

Body: We skipped the Nile entirely because south of Asyut, there really was nothing to speak of. We may revisit it if we ever do a sub-Saharan Africa update but we’re also pretty cold on just inventing battles that might have been interesting. Altering the facts for balance purposes is one thing, pulling a battle out of thin air is something else entirely.

 
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Reply #2:

Posted by: mongomundo

Body: Me and a few friends are starting up a series of ‘What if?’ maps and one of us thought it might be interesting to have one where the Egyptians have more strength and attempt to actually destroy the motorized corps that captured Khartoum. If you’d like, I could send you a message with some details.

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Thread Title: Is this suitable for my class?

Posted by: Francine

Body: I’m not one for video games so forgive my ignorance. I’ve been on the hunt for some media I could use in my class to teach about the war in Egypt and Libya. There’s definitely a gap between the many wonderful films and novels about Algeria and what’s available about the Ottoman Empire. I’m trying not to gloss over it because it is an interesting episode where America isn’t exactly the good guy. Is it overly violent and how accurate is its portrayal of the conflict?

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Reply #1:

Posted by: [Dev] mlarson

Body: Welcome, Francine! I appreciate your interest in Warzone 1942 as an educational tool and I’d like to offer some tips and disclaimers. Blood can be turned off in the graphics options if you so wish. Furthermore, you can find in the Server Administration subforum information on how to moderate a game you set up for your classroom because I know how kids get on these games sometimes. With regards to the historical accuracy of our game, we have strived to represent the battles as faithfully as we can while still providing a compelling balanced game that is fun to play. Our portrayals of the equipment are 100% faithful to the arms used by each army at the time. In your shoes, I would definitely use the game to interest students in a theater that they likely haven’t been exposed to, but I would also make sure to make it clear that Egypt and Libya were not the peers of the American Red Army in any way. I hope your class enjoys WZ1942!

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Reply #2:

Posted by: aqib444

Body: if you like I can send you many great Arabic films about the war! I believe you can find subtitles for them on the internet, but I am not sure. Thank you so much for teaching your students about how America affected us, it is something every Egyptian school child knows but I take it, not many Americans know.

Signature: Al-Ahly FOR LIFE

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Reply #2:

Posted by: SpiritOf1936

Body: typical 21st century teacher… indoctrinating our kids to believe America is always wrong…

you buy the lies of your foreign buddies like aqib here who would have us believe that these people would have been so much better off if we had never freed them. Just look at what happened to Libya once they didn’t want our help anymore…

Take your treason and lies elsewhere…

Signature: THREE PERCENT OF AMERICANS DEFEATED THE CAPITALISTS. THREE PERCENT CAN KEEP HER FREE. www.defendsyndicalismfromtyranny.org

 
Chapter Fifteen: Operation Rocky (Italy: March 5 - March 28, 1943)

The boy is bewildered, running after his father as he storms out of the church. Father is cursing up a storm, taking the Lord’s name in vain repeatedly. Mother comes hurrying out of the church behind them, with his little sister in tow.





‘Julio! JULIO!’ Mother yells out, to no avail.





The boy is frightened seeing his father ignoring his mother. Father never gets this upset. In desperation, he shouts, as loud as he can with his tiny voice:





‘Papa! Won’t the Lord be mad at us?’





That freezes Father in his tracks. The boy can see his Father’s shoulders rise up slowly then drop down, as he takes a deep breath.





He turns around and drops to one knee.





‘Hijo… There is no God.’


The memory appeared in Rodrigo’s mind as vividly as a motion picture. It was as though God had asked his soul: Why do you not believe?

And this moment outside a church in rural Jalisco was the answer.

His brain raced past, barely stopping to register the theological implications of his father’s anger.

His father.

He would be sad. But he would be proud, in a way. Rodrigo was never one to obsess about making his father proud, but this felt like a small condolence.

Mother would be devastated. He didn’t want to think about her. It hurt too much, even in this moment of painlessness. She never wanted him to go.

Neither did Juliana. His sister was already making his wedding plans.

Gabriella.

There had been some words with Gabriella before he left, but the instant the boat left port, Rodrigo felt like he hadn’t said enough. Part of Rodrigo wished he had just listened to his mother and done it already. He felt badly about that. Gabriella was a survivor though. She would move on. She would make somebody very happy. He could only hope that she realized how much she was loved.

His family, his village, Mexico, life. They would all go on without him. There was nothing he could do for them anymore. He hoped they would be proud of him. Maybe the family name would live on, if not through him, through a street named in his honor, like the ones named after the Zapatista heroes of the Revolution. It wasn’t the grandchild his mother desperately wanted, but his sacrifice was the only thing he could give her at this point.

Sacrifice.

This brought Rodrigo to the person he was most afraid of disappointing: himself. He knew that his legacy would be one of sacrifice. It brought a measure of peace when it came to his family. However, he could not forgive himself for this, the fact that he would not be able to live out his potential.

As his brain raced through his life to the present, it began to overshoot and visions of lost future came to mind.

A wedding, never to take place. A beautiful baby in his arms, never to be born. A classroom, perhaps, or a hospital, to be staffed by somebody else; somebody thanking him profusely… for something. Something that would never take place.

It became less clear the further on it went. Soon enough, he could only feel warmth. And then that, also, was gone, leaving only his consciousness, and the void. With nothing left to sense but itself, his consciousness felt itself coming apart. With its last faculties, it felt a feeling between regret and wonder. Perhaps his soul was being rejected. Perhaps there was a cost to his lack of faith after all. Maybe he should have believed.

It was too late for that. At least the matter that once made up his body would return to the Earth. Rodrigo hoped something beautiful, or at least useful, would grow from what remained.

And then there was only the void.

But then his consciousness screamed. Every sense was overloaded. His eyes and ears could only discern chaos. He could taste dirt and blood. He could smell gunpowder and ash. He became aware of his body, bit by bit, realizing that it was in the worst pain he could remember. Remember. Every memory came flooding back to him, leading his mind back to the present.

Italy. This was Italy.

His eyes focused, finally, on three shiny shapes zooming off into the clouds. As his eyes drifted down to the horizon, he could see burning hulks and blurry figures shrinking away. With every bit of his strength, he sat up. The ground around him was pockmarked, his pants were tattered, his legs bleeding, his head throbbing. As he brought his hands to his head, he realized that he existed. He was alive. Whether through divine intervention or chance, his story would go on. At least for today.

Forty-five years later

Chamber Subcommittee on History Education Standards Consultation – January 15th, 1978





Topic: The Second World War





Subtopic: American Tactics in Europe





Day 16 of Consultations





 





Consultant: Doctor Gary Cartwright, Haywood University





 





Subcommittee Members:





Subcommittee Chair Jeffrey Audla (Inuit Congress – Alaska)





Mary Bradley (NPS – Utah)





Leonard Grassley (DGS – North Dakota)





Anthony Leone (IBT – New York)





Jane Perkins (AFT – Oregon)





John Stevens (UAW – Michigan)





Rodrigo Velasquez (USW – Texas)





 





*begin recording*


Chair Jeffrey Audla: This is the Subcommittee on History Education Standards, as part of the Committee on Education, and our consultation with Doctor Gary Cartwright is hereby called back to order. If I recall, we left off discussing… hold on, let me check my notes.

Delegate Perkins: My last note is about who holds the responsibility for the Prague Pact’s defeat.

Chair Jeffrey Audla: Yes, thank you, Jane. Thank you for coming back a second day, Doctor, and continue whenever you are ready.

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Doctor Cartwright: It is my pleasure. So, when it comes to the question of “Who lost the war?”, there’s a ton of interpretations depending on where you are and what your agenda is. The ‘blame the allies’ approach was pretty common in both Germany and North America in the postwar period. I venture to guess it was motivated by France’s need for a strong partner on the Continent to get the European Union off the ground.

It isn’t entirely unfair to heap some scorn on the German allies, the Germans very well may have been able to break through in their attacks on the Western Front if not for the poor state of their allies on the flanks, so to speak. The losses in the early stages of the Western Front were about equal, but the French never could have sustained them over a few years. The German Army was just about the strongest in the world at that time when you consider their much deeper reserves of manpower.

Delegate Stevens: So was it a mistake for the Germans to involve the Prague Pact given the poor state of some of their allied forces? Did they even need the allies?

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Doctor Cartwright: No, it was a natural and well thought out response to the aggressive posture of the Combined Syndicates in Africa. Bruning and his government believed, with what was obviously good reason, that the Combined Syndicates would be committing fully to the European war effort. So in that lens, the Germans had to feel like they were outnumbered with just the Mitteleuropa bloc. Saying that, the Italians in particular do deserve special blame for the poor state of their military. It was at least fifteen years out of date. Winning their “guerra splendida” against the Austrian Empire and the assurances given to them by the German Empire to get them into the pact contributed to their sense of complacency. But the Germans gained the right to base their own troops in Italian territory, which certainly helped slow the Syndintern advance.

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Delegate Leone: The presence of neutral territory would have been a barrier to our advance, though, correct?

Doctor Cartwright: I wouldn’t say that. Given the preemptive operations against Spain and Egypt, and especially when you consider the Naples regime’s desire for Risorgimento, I can only imagine the Revolutionary Marines would have landed in Venice whether they were involved in the war or not. I have often used the decision to preemptively strike Spain as a jumping off point for a discussion of the ethics of War Plan Black. It would be important for any history course about the war to consider the aggressive strategic posture of America when discussing the actions of the Prague Pact. It is almost an instinct to conflate being the morally incorrect or quote end quote evil side with also being the aggressor. This would be a mistake in this case, a grave one, because the facts of the conflict are that we were the aggressor, repeatedly. The Prague Pact, despite its imperialist and capitalist nature, always maintained a defensive posture.

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Delegate Grassley: I would not appreciate it if our textbooks painted America as the villain.

Doctor Cartwright: I obviously don’t regard the Syndintern as a villain, but it is indisputable that America was an instigating party throughout the war. The tactical and strategic aspects of our wartime conduct were obviously sound, but the ethical questions arising from War Plan Black are invaluable teaching moments, both in and of themselves and as a foundation for learning about the postwar period, particularly when it comes to Egypt.

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Delegate Grassley: And so how would you portray America in a good light?

Doctor Cartwright: By telling the truth, Mr. Grassley. In this information age, our citizens can see through a propagandist approach to history. I think the facts of the pre socialist age speak for themselves. No matter the ethics of what happened, our world is undeniably in better shape now than before the war. That speaks for itself, the details of how we got here are important for the future lessons learned. I also believe it is important to not leave out the efforts of our allies when we teach the war. The Syndintern was quite the international effort, and War Plan Black enjoyed nearly unanimous support amongst the Syndintern members involved, if you discount some hesitation on the part of the British.

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Delegate Leone: How fair would it be to present the war effort as a partnership of equals then?

Doctor Cartwright: Well certainly France took the brunt of Germany’s army and did the most dying. Then the Combined Syndicates provided the forces that won a number of secondary fronts and the resources that fed the Communal Army. The British provided the carrier strength that allowed the transoceanic supply routes to remain open. Those three nations certainly deserve the lion’s share of the credit. When it comes to Italy though, it would not be unfair at all to give equal credit to us, the Italian Republicans, and the OAS expeditionary forces. It is certainly in vogue to discredit the contributions of Buck’s Canada, given recent events, but it would be unfair to do so.

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Delegate Grassley: Equal? I don’t remember seeing any Mexican or Italian planes in Italy.

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Delegate Velasquez: Because we were busy on the ground, fighting and dying.

Delegate Leone: Mr. Grassley, I would appreciate it if my people weren’t erased from the story of their own liberation.

Delegate Grassley: Mr. Leone, I would appreciate it if this country’s history isn’t diluted so that nobody gets their feelings hurt. You tell a veteran who was there that it was “equal”. It’d be the same as pissing in-

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Chair Audla: Mr. Grassley, we are not here to argue. The good doctor has come to consult with us and we would do well not to interrupt him with things such as this. Doctor, were you in the war?

Doctor Cartwright: Yes. I was a sergeant in the Canadian Army. I was in Italy until I was wounded in Florence. When I heard the rumors about the state of the universities at home, I decided to get off the train in Chicago rather than continue on to the border.

Delegate Grassley: So a Canadian is here to tell us how to teach our children?

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Delegate Velasquez: Enough of this, Leonard! Are you here to think about our children or are you here to encourage nationalism? I don’t remember seeing any Americans for periods of months when I was in Italy. I almost died there and you refuse to give credit to anybody but the Red Army.

Delegate Grassley: So are you a Mexican or an American?

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Chair Audla: You’re out of order, Mr. Grassley. Mr. Velasquez serves America proudly, and he is also proud of his service to Mexico. There is nothing wrong with that. In fact, it is quite common. Mr. Leone, as I recall, was born in New York, yet he feels a bond to where his parents came from. I am a tribesman and a countryman. And to insult the nations, sovereign or otherwise, who took part in the war, goes against all of our values as internationalists and socialists. Our children not only need the plain facts of what occurred, but they also need to feel a connection to the past. To celebrate the deeds of the Italian army, or the Mexican army, or for the refugees, to celebrate the great things that the Canadian army once took a part in, even to foster the dual identity of my people as Inuits and Americans, celebrating the diversity of the Syndintern is vital to help create a nation unlike any other, where any person can feel like they have as much right to it as anybody else, no matter their place or birth or the time they’ve been here. It would be a crime to allow our textbooks to act as tools of nationalist erasure.

*silence*

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Doctor Cartwright: *cough* If I may, I would like to address a question to Delegate Perkins.

Chair Audla: You may.

Doctor Cartwright: Ms. Perkins, in your teaching experience, do students respond well to strictly military accounts of the war, or does the broader narrative work better?

Delegate Perkins: Oh, it depends on the student. With all the war movies out there, a lot of them are simply fascinated and want to know more about the battles. But I would also agree with Mr. Audla, many students respond well to learning about the human and cultural aspects.

Doctor Cartwright: When it comes to the battles, the Red Army certainly was, by far, the most effective in the theaters in which it fought, given all of the aircraft and motorized vehicles that we had the industrial capacity to produce. But, as I’m sure Mr. Velasquez can attest to, the war was equally important to all of the nations involved, and when it comes to understanding the effects of the war on our world today, giving credit is not nearly as important as drawing connections. What does the war tell us about the Mexican experience and the pan-American movement? What does it tell us about what is going on in Canada today? The Muslim Brotherhood, how it sped up integration considerably, how did this war contribute to what occurs today? That is where the value of history education truly lies and how you get children interested in history on a deeper level, a level beyond flag waving and rooting for the good guys in whatever film is in the cinema.

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Delegate Stevens: And so how do we accomplish that in a balanced way?

Doctor Cartwright: I believe the best way is to get away from spending a lot of time on the strategic events of the war. It’s very interesting and its always appealing to revel in our national heroics, but when it comes to the actual utility of that knowledge, it isn’t helpful for anybody outside the military. Broad strokes when it comes to the military action, and use that time to focus on the long term consequences of the conflict and to drive home the internationalist nature of the Syndintern by telling the stories of the OAS forces or perhaps the Italian reunification process.

Delegate Grassley: Well if identity is important, why not regionalize the standards in order to reflect the diversity of American backgrounds?

Delegate Velasquez: So that you can have North Dakota’s textbooks remove all mention of our hand in installing Buck? So you can get more people riled up to throw the refugees back into the Hell we helped create for them? No, thank you.

Chair Audla: That is another topic for another day, Mr. Velasquez.

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Delegate Perkins: Regardless, it’s been attempted already. About twenty years ago, the German government devolved education standards to each region. Within about six months, new textbooks in Bavaria no longer contained mention of the forced labor camps in Africa and was blaming the entire loss on backstabbing allies. The analysis of the Empire’s decline was suddenly replaced by tales of Italian and Ottoman treachery. And like the Doctor said, complacency is about the worst the federation could have been accused of. It was quite the scandal and fiasco to recentralize the standards and they’ve already moved to introduce Europe-wide standards to minimize nationalist interpretations across the continent. The teachers could not support that kind of regional system. It simply creates too much opportunity for divisive interpretation and means university professors have no idea what to expect of their students.

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Delegate Bradley: The place for celebrating heroism is at our memorials, not in our textbooks. I have to agree with the Doctor and Ms Perkins’ assessment. Let people go to Italy if they want to immerse themselves in the details of the battles there. There’s only so many years to teach our children, they can learn enough about our heroic deeds on May Day. There is no need to burden our teachers with additional responsibilities such as… what Mr. Grassley seems to suggest.

Delegate Velasquez: And definitely no place for our teachers to indoctrinate.

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Doctor Cartwright: I know I am here to consult on the history but I must chime in with my experience as a professor. When I first began instructing at Haywood... well, it was still Loyola back then. Anyway, it was very difficult to discern what each of my students had been taught. Their accounting of the facts seemed to heavily depend on in what environment they had spent their formative years. The Pacific States, the Union State, federal territory, so on and so forth. Not just having different opinions and biases, that is only natural, but different facts entirely. It was difficult to teach not having any idea what a person believed as true. To open up the standards to different regions, it may just cause a similar problem, even if we are not as divided today. And I also must agree with Mrs. Bradley that many students in our history classes at Haywood are ill-prepared to engage in serious historical work, since they are used to a simple accounting of the facts. Some are only there to listen to stories, more or less. The more secondary students engage in foundational analysis, the more we’ll be able to accomplish at universities. And besides, now that the number of Transatlantic flights have been expanded, we’ve actually been able to start doing some summer and winter student trips overseas. I’m chaperoning a tour of the battlefields and military cemeteries of Italy in a few months, actually. Those are the places to memorialize our military deeds, not in our classrooms.

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Delegate Velasquez: Will you be visiting the Bologna cemetery, Doctor?

Doctor Cartwright: Yes, actually.

Delegate Velasquez: May I speak to you after we’re done here? I have a... favor to ask.

*silence*

Doctor Cartwright: Yes, yes, of course.

Delegate Velasquez: Thank you.

Chair Audla: Well, I think we have made some strides today. Given the coming weather, I am going to adjourn this consultation early so the good Doctor can get back to Haywood. Thank you, Doctor, for your expertise on this subject.

*end recording*

 
Chapter Sixteen: The Great Liberation (Africa: February 17 – July 4, 1943)

The following are excerpts from the wartime writings of Abraham Johannes Muste, who passed Sunday. Muste, a Methodist clergyman by training, began his career in politics during the First Great War, during which he strove to prevent American entry into the conflict. Following the war, he engaged in a number of labor actions, most notably the 1919 Lawrence Textile Strike and the 1934 Auto-Lite strike in Toledo. Following the revolution, he served in the Chamber of Delegates for twenty years, as the representative for the New England Textiles Syndicate. He was a founding member of the Christian Socialist Group led by Norman Thomas, a key contributor to the Thomasite position during the drafting of the Chicago Consensus and an honorary member of the American chapter of the Pan-African Congress. After retiring from the Chamber in 1958, he served for five years as Ambassador to the Netherlands, where he was born. He was 82.

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December 1, 1942

I know that Norman isn’t really supposed to be telling me many of the things he does, but I don’t betray his trust in me by telling anybody else, not even Anna. I also make sure I keep this book locked up at all times. Truth of the matter is that the Wallonian offensive has stalled, and that the optimistic predictions of the Rhine by Christmas are completely impossible.

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The French would be better off digging in for the winter than pushing this further. They would simply be overextending themselves I fear.

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March 18, 1943

Met with the Bolivian ambassador and Norman today. Norman was straightforward with the ambassador that we frankly don’t have the resources to intervene in a second War of the Pacific should it break out.

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The ambassador’s main concern is that the situation in Buenos Aires could lead to an anti-Bolivia alliance with Chile.

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To the contrary, it is my opinion, as I told the ambassador, that the refusal of the junta to hold elections would actually paralyze Argentina. I am concerned that the ambassador seems to have had his head filled with stories the militarists in the Chamber that we have unlimited resources available to launch an invasion of the Andean coast. We simply must continue to stave off this conflict. I’m afraid of the consequences, both human and political, if we attempt to enforce socialism in South America by force, especially at this juncture.

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March 22, 1943

Having a weekend with Anna in Green Bay was lovely and I’m glad that the news didn’t break until this morning. I needed that rest badly with all that is going on, and George was very helpful in keeping things moving while I was gone. But still I would have had to come home for this. The atmosphere at the office was tense when I got here. The headline of the Proletarian told the story well enough:

GITLOW ABANDONING AFRICA?

It didn’t take me long to read the first few paragraphs and know what the deal was. Norman told me last week that the French are panicking about the German offensive in the south and wanted American divisions to be transferred from Africa to southern France. We told them we would consider it, Norman says that the idea went nowhere, and that was that. But when the Proletarian got a hold of this information, it had passed through so many filters that our false consideration became an agreement and a transfer became a total abandonment of the African front. And so here we are. My staff is outraged, naturally, but I can’t let on that I know what Norman has told me about the situation. The Central Committee is supposed to meet about this later today and we’ll see how they respond.

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March 29, 1943

Norman is asking me to go with the Chairman on a trip to Wilmington. A few years, one of the workers there found some documents somebody at Dupont had hid during the outbreak of the revolution, detailing the creation of a new synthetic fiber called nylon. Now half of northern Delaware is working in those plants, producing nylon for parachutes. And now they’re working on mosquito nets for the troops in Africa. The tactical point is to prevent malaria, but the point of the trip is to show that the African theater has been, is and will continue to be a priority. We’ll see if it calms the backlash.

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April 4, 1943

The Chairman asked me my opinion on the speech he’ll make at the plant. I’m surprised he would ask somebody outside the Committee. This experience may have humbled him. Either way, I told him not to bring up the local forces. The concern of last year was that the presence of our forces in Africa amounted to colonialism and thus championing the accomplishments of the new African armies made sense. This year’s concern, ironically, is that we’re going to leave Africa out to dry. Any focus on African armies would probably be interpreted as a sign that the Red Army is withdrawing. How quickly situations change.

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This fiasco is having another effect beyond our borders. Based on the bits of intelligence from Norman, I don’t think the neutral powers who have a stake in Africa really believed that we were ever committed to eliminating Mittelafrika. I’m not sure what led them to believe this, but now that we clearly have a domestic motivation to pursue the campaign to the end, they probably don’t anymore. The Internationale does not consider Africa a colonial theater, whatever panic comes out of France, and I think the rest of the world is beginning to realize that. There is already concern that Portugal or South Africa or even Ethiopia could be ‘transferred’ territory, simply to keep it out of our hands. We need to move quickly before the colonizers get together and figure this out.

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The South Africans might not even wait. Would they move up towards the Congo? I have to say that I don’t think its outlandish. They’ve had to be pretty clever to survive on their own all this time.

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The fact that they haven’t sent the Canadian tanks elsewhere is encouraging. Getting to Dar es Salaam as quickly as possible is important. Cutting the head off of the colonial administration is important.

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It would be one thing to justify an attack on South Africa or Portugal but to attack Ethiopia would be, simply, a crime. How do you combat colonialism by fighting with a nation that has thrown colonizers out of Africa? Quite frankly, I’m ready to get back to Chicago, there’s a whole lot to deal with since the Proletarian article came out and none of it can be solved in Wilmington. This nylon trip is tiring, especially when the specter of further conflict in Africa hangs. We must endeavor however we’re able to avoid it.

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May 15, 1943

I think the Committee might actually have considered the report that Randolph and I put together. The Canadian armor have not been withdrawn from the theater as we expected.

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They were supposed to remain in the area to safeguard against an invasion by the Entente, but with the fall of Kabul, we were certain they would be withdrawn. But they haven’t been, and I have to think that means the Committee is regarding the threat of neutral occupation as a real one.

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There also hasn’t been any kind of unnecessary delay in moving to block Portugal and South Africa either. The vultures are actually afraid that we may not be stopping at the borders of Mittelafrika.

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June 16, 1943

I knew I told Norman I never would, but I had to let Randolph know. The Committee is loath to make any grand pronouncements without being sure but it’s hard to figure that this isn’t the end of the African front.

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I had to manually edit the save to get control of Dar es Salaam back from Egypt. Don’t attack from puppet territory with puppet armies, friends.

The capital fell Thursday. Most of the German population fled to Zanzibar, where we suspect they are waiting for an evacuation to New Guinea. Goering was captured but managed to kill himself in his cell somehow. It is a shame that the people won’t get to see justice administered.

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But that is just a tiny blemish on what is otherwise a shining triumphal moment. Mittelafrika is gone and even if we lose Europe, we have two continents united under the banner of the Internationale. Randolph is preparing a speech of his own, which shows how important this really is.

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The liberation of Africa is a profound moment for black people everywhere. There is still more to be done, of course, but we have ripped the crown jewel of the German Empire out of its grasp for good. Both Randolph and Gitlow have invited me to their speeches, but I think given the circumstances, I will be declining the Chairman’s invitation.

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July 4, 1943

I’ve heard the same joke six times today. “It’ll still be Independence Day somewhere, huh?” It was funny the first time. Rustin and Houser are pushing a resolution for an African Liberation Day for today, I think half for the explicit purpose and half to confiscate the Fourth of July for the black peoples of the world as a sort of symbolic restitution. A lot of people still celebrate Independence Day instead of Revolution Day, and some of the observations have a reactionary tone. To have a pan-African celebration on the same day will irritate many people who deserve to be irritated. I will certainly be voting in favor of that resolution and I hope the holiday catches on next year.

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The African Section was, for lack of a better phrase, promoted today in Dakar. It is certainly no longer a group of exiles twiddling its thumbs in Paris. Thanks to the actions of the American Red Army and the advocacy of the diaspora, the territory of black Africa is in black hands. It is only a matter of time until the remaining colonies are liberated. The African Section is now the African Union.

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I don’t expect this to be the end of controversy about Africa, not by a long shot. Europe and America ought to pay restitution to Africa. I doubt Europe will be overly willing to pay up, and America may only be willing when shamed into it by our black population. Africa has been neglected, brutalized and subjugated for centuries, and they will need industries, infrastructure, schools and teachers, healthcare, everything that they have been denied while Europe and America enjoyed them partially at their expense.

This makes Africa ripe for socialism, but what I believe the white left fails to understand is that Afro-socialism will not be a mere copy of western Marxism. It will take on its own character, and as Africa asserts full independence, it might leave a bad taste for my colleagues to give them unconditional aid despite what disagreements are bound to come. But that is what must be done.

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I don’t suffer the delusion that we will always do what is right. The leaders of free Africa will, ultimately, be left with the lion’s share of this tremendous task. I have faith that they will succeed and I look forward to playing a small part in forging this partnership of equals. To transform a relationship of exploitation and atrocity into one of friendship and mutual aid would prove that humanity has the potential to live at peace with itself. I pray that today’s optimism carries forth.

 
Chapter Seventeen: The Romandy Offensive (Italy: March 29 - April 25, 1943

http://www.lumumba.edu.cng/history/faculty/dnkembe/blog.html

Professor Nkembe’s Military History Blog

Posted: May 4, 1996

Topic: Greatest Military Blunders of All Time: Honorable Mentions: The Romandy Offensive

Body:

The Romandy offensive was launched in late March of 1943 as a response to Operation Rocky. It was intended to relieve the embattled Italian Federation after the encirclement and surrender of Italian and German forces in Bologna and consisted of the southern pincer of Operation Südwind, which was diverted south from its base in occupied Romandy towards Turin.

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The decision to split Operation Südwind in two took place while the Pact salient in Genoa was attempting to repel the Americans in Parma led by General Wark.

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The Pact divisions in Genoa were certainly under great threat, and so, at first glance, the idea of a relief effort from the north of Genoa does appear to be a good one. So why was it a blunder?

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First of all, its strength was woefully inadequate. The Internationale force in Italy numbered just about one million men, and a few hundred thousand Pact troops had already been captured during the course of Operation Rocky. The amount of German troops being diverted was simply not enough.

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In order to relieve Genoa, where a Pact garrison was being attacked on two sides by a force three times larger, the Romandy offensive would have had to recapture Turin. Turin had been in French hands throughout the winter, and the Italian fortifications that were intended to defend against a French attack from Romandy were instead being used to defend against a German attack from Romandy.

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On top of these problems, the Germans were attacking along a narrow corridor through rough terrain. The French forces in Turin were able to mount an extremely effective resistance along the St. Bernard Pass, one of the few routes the Germans could use without violating Swiss neutrality.

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Therefore, it was pure fantasy to imagine that an offensive directed south, through the Alps, could ever relieve Genoa in time.

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The folly of the attack through the mountains is enough to qualify this as a blunderous decision, but the amount of resources that it diverted from Operation Südwind is the most damaging aspect of the Romandy offensive.

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In this case, the German High Command made the critical error of allowing public opinion to trump tactical considerations. Operation Rocky had ignited a panic throughout the Prague Pact, as one of the largest German allies was falling to pieces. ‘Saving’ Italy became an objective that distracted from what had been and should have continued to be the primary objective: defeating the French.

I will refrain from repeating the tropes of shoddy historical television programming. I cannot, nor can anybody else, say that this is the one decision that cost Germany the war. However, we can be certain that the divisions committed to the Romandy division could have had greater success against other targets. The French armor in the Pontarlier salient was left mostly unmolested, and the half of Operation Südwind left to its original task was unable to mount a sustained westward attack. Would a full strength Operation Südwind offensive have won the war? Probably not, but capturing Lyon would have been a boost to Pact morale and could have opened a number of opportunities for the German army.

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Remember what I said in the previous post: it is better to respond than react. Attempting to relieve the embattled forces of Northern Italy at the expense of Operation Südwind was a reaction, and a particularly ill-advised one at that. Instead it would have been better for the Pact to respond with a blow of their own. Seizing Lyon and opening up the south of France would have been a good start. Also realizing that the outnumbered German defenders of northeast Italy had the Alps as a defensive aid would have been good.

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The Pact failed to hold back the Internationale in the lowlands, but the further north the attack went, the more and more time and effort it would take for the OAS forces to advance. The pace of warfare in the Alps was drastically different than warfare in the south of France, and the German High Command failed to recognize what they could have accomplished if they had stuck to their original plan while the OAS began their arduous trek into the Alps. Every day the OAS spent navigating the increasingly rugged alpine terrain could have been a day that German armor spent speeding towards Marseilles had they went ahead and broken through the French lines. It is another of the many examples of the German High Command’s failure to understand the new age of mobile warfare, almost two full years after the epic collapse of the New English front changed the way (most of) the world thought about war.

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Instead, the Romandy Offensive encountered increasingly stiff resistance on the road to Turin, as French forces wheeled northwards after capturing Genoa and linking up with the OAS in Italy. It petered out completely as the Internationale was knocking down the gates of Milan, the last bastion of the Federation.

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The Romandy Offensive was designed to save an un-savable country. In this sense, the Romandy Offensive can be considered to be the final manifestation of misguided thinking about the military strength of the Italian Federation. The first was Italy’s complacency following its victory in the Austro-Italian War. Italy had spent decades in the shadow of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and so when it defeated Austria, its leaders believed this to be an accomplishment of the highest order. The pope sincerely believed that the Federation’s military was favored by God, and the would-be military reformers in Italy were ignored. Instead of crucial upgrades to Italian equipment, funds were spent on lavish public works projects throughout the Federation, particularly in the Vatican.

Many in the German High Command recognized that Italy’s victory had far more to do with the many distractions besetting Austria, but the second manifestation occurred when military concerns took a backseat to the diplomatic efforts of Chancellor Brüning in putting together the Pact. The spiritual authority of the pope complicated the negotiations between the Federation and Germany. Unlike Bohemia and Sweden, which were willing to allow their forces to be effectively subsumed into a greater Pact command structure, the pope was reluctant to see the soldiers he believed were commanded by God to be integrated in such a way. Pope Pius quickly changed his mind once Rome was captured, but by then it was too late for an effective defense strategy to be put in action.

The third was how Germany bought into Italy’s own hype. While the Italian army was substantial in size, the events of the war proved that they were largely ineffective, even against green OAS units. Instead of leaving Italy to suffer the consequences of its poor preparation, Germany sabotaged its own operations out of a misguided belief that the Italian Federation was a key ally. Its geographic position was important, but it took until Milan had fallen for the German High Command to realize just how much of a liability their ally was.

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Clearly by the time of the pope’s surrender in Milan, it was too late. But the fate of the Italian Federation had been sealed long before War Plan Black was ever executed.

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The Federation simply stood no chance against a determined, better equipped and larger OAS force that utilized its naval supremacy of the Mediterranean to maximum effect.

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While it was certainly alarming for a major member of the Prague Pact to crumble in such a fashion, the German High Command should not have panicked. Red Rome was an inevitability, but the stalling and failure of the German southern offensive was not. It was the combination of self-delusion, politics trumping sound strategy and sheer futility that earned the Romandy Offensive an honorable mention on my list of greatest military blunders of all time.

Here’s your hint for the next post: The British gave America its language but also the idea for invading this place. Whether you prefer American or British English is up to you, but we can all agree that the Americans pulled off the better invasion.

Got an idea what it is? Email me the answer for five extra credit points on the next quiz. Hope you enjoyed this post and see you in class!

 
Chapter Eighteen: Unforgotten (Austria: May 18 – July 14, 1943)

From the Chicago Proletarian: April 5, 1996

Since Maurice Rose died last week at age 96, we’re well into another manifestation of what Daniel Kirkpatrick derided as the ‘postmortem piñata’ in the Denver Post’s Thursday editorial. I disagree with Daniel’s viewpoint that we ought to not criticize the dead right after their passing because the time right after death is when we discuss the legacy of important figures the most, and when we truly set the tone for how they will be viewed in history. There are limits to this, naturally, and I advise everybody to apply the standards of good taste, but it is undemocratic to say that we can praise the deeds of the dead right after they pass but that valid criticism and analysis of their legacy should wait until an arbitrary period has passed.

To be frank, news topics change on a weekly basis, and this may be the last week ever when all Americans are thinking about the legacy of Maurice Rose. If we are only heaping praise upon the departed Rose, then most Americans will move on thinking he was a saint. Don’t get me wrong, Rose deserves the adulation and respect of the thousands who lined the streets of Denver to say goodbye to their former mayor, war hero and native son. However, we owe it to ourselves and to the memory of General Rose to be fair and honest in how we assess his life and achievements. Thus, it is my belief that this conversation should not be left for historians to debate in their journals that most people won’t read. Instead, we should have it now. With that in mind, I have decided to collect the most common controversies about Maurice Rose that are currently flying about and invite historians to address them in an honest and comprehensive fashion. Readers are invited to utilize the new eProletarian billboard service (connection details available on page 2) to inform us of controversies and tales of things Rose might have done wrong or been partially responsible for, and we just may be able to shed some light on them. Check back next Tuesday for the first edition.

April 9, 1996

First of all, thank all of you for your contributions to the billboard service discussion about General Rose. For the most part, it was conducted in a civilized and respectful matter, and I’m grateful for that. Far and away, the most common topic was Rose’s tenure as the American envoy to the Istanbul negotiations between the Muslim Socialist Committee and the Council of the Diaspora over the political status of the Jewish communes in Palestine. However, we have decided to leave that topic until after the Passover holiday has concluded, because many Jewish historians who are experts on these events are currently away from their jobs while observing that holiday. Instead, we will begin with the second most common area of request, Rose’s experience as overall theater commander of the Southern European Front during the revolution.

[…..]

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Did Rose turn a blind eye to atrocities committed by Canadian troops in Austria?

The short answer: No, and the Canadian atrocities are largely mythical to boot.

The long answer: Reports of Canadian troops being overzealous savages in Austria have been thoroughly debunked at this point, and while it is understandable why they flourished during the Buck era, it is surprising that they still persist fifteen years after the Northern Spring. In fact, Canadian divisions in Europe were completely under the control of the American high command (a fact that made Chairman Buck livid) and they acted much in the same manner and were subject to the same standards as American divisions. There were isolated atrocities and Canadian soldiers accused of war crimes were dealt with in the same court martial system as Americans were. Thus, Rose did not turn a blind eye to anything of the sort.

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Did Rose order the bombing of refugee ships in the Adriatic?

The short answer: No.

The long answer: While Rose did have authority over the limited naval operations that took place in the Adriatic, there’s no evidence that he ever actually took an interest in it. Instead he focused on the land operations and delegated that authority to his subordinates. There is also no evidence that the sinking of civilian crafts fleeing to Serbian territory was anything but accidental, as German cruisers and destroyers were active and eventually sunk by the same naval bombardment wing that sunk civilian craft off the coast of Croatia. With no survivors, it has been difficult to ascertain whether the incident took place at night or during the day and so accusations of negligence on the part of the bomber pilots are also difficult to support or refute. Either way, Rose almost certainly did not order the action.

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Did Rose play a part in the Rape of Slovenia?

The short answer: No, and the Rape is a myth.

The long answer: The Rape of Slovenia was a propaganda device devised by the pre-socialist Serbian government when it was demanding cession of Slovenia in the early 1960s. There was no Syndintern campaign to ‘punish’ Slovenia, and in fact, Slovenia was regarded in post-war Syndintern planning as an ‘oppressed’ territory of first the Austrian then German empires.

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The basis of the mythology came from when the small Slovenian socialist insurgency engaged in reprisals against pro-German conservatives who had been tasked with exterminating them. The combined Syndintern armies did assist the socialist insurgency in tracking down leaders of local pro-German militias, but this was for a clear tactical purpose, as the advancing Syndintern army was being counterattacked in northern Slovenia. There is nothing to suggest that Slovenia suffered any more or any less war crimes than any other Pact territory.

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There are some photographs showing a celebration as American and Canadian forces captured the encircled Ljubljana, and neither these photographs nor the current state of the city support the Serbian accounts of mass looting, and the entire idea of the Rape persisted only in Serbian and Slovenian nationalist circles in the time between the breakup of Greater Serbia and now. Why it has suddenly found traction beyond those groups is mystifying, to say the least.

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Rather than being pillaged, most Slovenians will tell you that Slovenia began syndicalizing and rebuilding almost immediately after the Germans were evicted from the territory. There were some ugly spots but on the whole, Slovenia can be considered a success story of postwar recovery.

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Did Rose abandon the Mexican army to be crushed by German tanks in Klagenfurt?

The short answer: Yes, but there was little Rose could have realistically done about the situation.

The long answer: The Mexican Army that fought in southern Europe was a nascent force, to be kind. They had found success against the pitiful military of the Italian Federation, but they understandably had difficulty against a much more experienced and better equipped German Army.

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Some of the commentary surrounding the first battle of Klagenfurt accuses Rose of being a racist who regarded Mexican lives as less valuable than American ones. There is nothing to support this. Instead, Rose and the American high command were genuinely surprised that the Germans were so quick to move armored assets away from the French front to defend Austria. They never expected that the Mexican Army would come under such fierce counterattack.

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Quotes of Rose that supposedly prove he wasn’t upset about the many Mexican deaths are taken out of context. Rose was satisfied that the offensive into Austria was achieving one of its goals. It was meant to relieve pressure off of the French in the west, and the sudden appearance of German armored divisions signaled that it was doing so. Rose was thinking about the greater strategic context of the first battle of Klagenfurt, not being cold hearted towards his Mexican allies.

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Rose also did not send relief to Klagenfurt. Instead he decided to preserve the Syndintern’s position in Tyrol, and to prepare to counterattack the Germans as they reoccupied Klagenfurt.

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It was sound strategy. While the Mexican army was certainly left on its own and beaten, they were able to retreat to the safety of Tyrol while the German counterattack was beset on all sides by the Syndintern. General Rose was, after all, a general. Thankfully, in these modern times, we have the luxury of being able to think about every life. General Rose had to make a choice while fighting a technologically advanced enemy in tough terrain, and the Mexican deaths in Klagenfurt served a greater purpose.

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Did Rose order the terror bombing of Klagenfurt?

The short answer: The current state of Klagenfurt’s landmarks is not a sign of intense bombing, but rather of post-war neglect.

The long answer: Klagenfurt was bombed by American twin-engine bombers like many other cities during the war. The twin-engine bombers used throughout the wars of the period were not designed for mass destruction of cities, but instead were used to target military infrastructure in an area of operations. The damage to Klagenfurt’s old square occurred when American bombers were sent to bomb the German headquarters nearby.

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The current state of old Klagenfurt does lend the city some historic value, as it mirrors what most German and Austrian cities looked like in the forties due to the air war that had raged over them. The difference is that most German cities have restored their landmarks while a number of Austrian cities have not. The reasons for this are many. In the immediate aftermath of the war, rebuilding industry and homes was considered more important than repairing landmarks. When both Germany and Austria had rebuilt, Germany embarked on a campaign to restore its historic landmarks as part of its overall effort to appropriate German history and identity from the Imperial elite for the workers.

However, Austria during the fifties was dominated by the anti-clerical faction of the KPÖ, which refused on ideological grounds to restore anything associated with religion or Austrian nobility, including many of the buildings in the old square of Klagenfurt. In later decades, restoration programs were started and stopped according to the needs of the Austrian government. For example, when the Internationale considered if Austria should share the burden of German reparations to its colonies, the restorations suddenly stopped and the Austrian government emphasized the ruined state of cities like Klagenfurt to ‘prove’ they couldn’t be asked to give up resources to the former colonies. Therefore, the restoration program in Austria outside Vienna has been half-hearted and irregular. This is the true cause of the damage still evident in Klagenfurt, not that Klagenfurt was bombed more intensely or with more malice than any other Pact city. One need only visit Tokyo to see that a city can bounce back from far more severe damage if its administration has the resources and willingness to do so. The Austrian government has the resources to make Klagenfurt’s old square as pristine as it once was, but it does not have the willingness.

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Did Rose hold back the Austrian offensive in the summer of 1943 to please the French?

The short answer: No.

The long answer: There’s a lot of versions of this one, but they all revolve around the concept that the American high command put France’s political aims above tactical considerations. The idea is that France was already laying the groundwork for the European Union, and that the French leadership did not want American troops making significant gains in German territory. Instead, it was more supposedly more important for the Commune to appear as a powerful and equal partner of the Combined Syndicates. Therefore, diplomatic pressure from the Commune translated into Rose being told to ease up the pressure.

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It’s a compelling narrative. It’s also not true. There’s no direct evidence of any such order to General Rose, and while there was plenty of premature concern about the postwar balance of power in both Paris and Chicago, there’s nothing to suggest that it had any effect on how Rose ran the front. If Paris didn’t want the attack on Austria to succeed, then nobody in Paris ever told their divisions that fought in the south. The Tenth and Eleventh Armored Divisions of the Communal Army fought to the best of their ability and with a ferocity that matched any other unit on any other front.

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This narrative sometimes seems like a way to explain why American progress slowed from the rapid and comprehensive defeat of the Federation to a slow summer-long slog through the Alps. Instead of resorting to conspiracies, I urge the readers to think about the basic facts of the situation. Combine the natural barrier of the Alps with the superior skill, technology and morale of the German Army and consider that the front was expanding in width. The Americans were now dealing with a front stretching from Innsbruck to Hungary, almost all of it mountain ranges.

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The Americans were also exhausted, having been on the march since Operation Rocky in March of 1943. It is only natural that the advance would halt coming up against an enemy more determined and better equipped than any before.

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The Austrian offensive had the potential of capturing Vienna, and maybe Munich and Prague, but it is pure folly to think that it could have broken through to Berlin before the French. The Western front was the clash of armored divisions in the low country of Flanders, a dynamic series of maneuvers and counter maneuvers that continue to capture the popular imagination. The Southern front was a dreary war of attrition in the shadow of the Alps, hundreds of thousands of North Americans and Europeans trying to survive under the constant bombardment of the enemy, a throwback to the Great War. There isn’t much that Rose or anybody could have achieved in this situation other than what Rose did achieve, which was to relieve the pressure on the Commune and enable the gains that were to be made in the coming year. To criticize Rose for that is foolish.

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Did Rose ignore the killings of teenage boys by the Communal Army in his theater?

The short answer: The boys were, unfortunately, enemy combatants.

The long answer: The German high command was beginning to realize as 1943 dragged on that they were hopelessly outnumbered. The manpower reserves of a united North America would far outlast those of Mitteleuropa. After the failure of the spring offensive, the Kaiser signed off on a measure conscripting boys as young as 14 and 15 into hastily organized ‘Landstormen’ units that were thrown into battle against French tanks and veteran American troops.

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The Pact saw the summer of 1943 as a pivotal period where the American Army was still preoccupied enough with Middle Eastern and African operations that they could possibly be defeated in Italy, even if the Federation had been a massive disappointment. And so, the Landstormen militias were thrown into battle, as part of the Empire’s last true efforts to win the war. Even though the German Empire would survive 1943, many of its leadership were already beginning to realize that it was doomed.

Rose was personally troubled by the heavy casualties suffered by the Landstormen. Having witnessed the widespread usage of underage soldiers in Union State militias during the civil war, Rose was used to these types of horrors. So while it is true that he did not punish any of his troops for the deaths of the German boys, it is important to keep in mind that the German Army put them out on the front lines in the first place.

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Did General Rose lose his fighting spirit in Innsbruck?

The short answer: Impossible to know for sure, but probably not.

The long answer: Storytellers have always loved to have their characters make massive and life altering realizations in a singular moment. Stories about General Rose are no different, and Innsbruck features prominently in the growing mythology of General Rose. But Rose was a real person and his transition from a skilled general to a capable civic servant can’t be summed up as the result of lessons learned in one day.

In case you don’t know what I’m talking about, the many questions best represented by this one are about an incident that took place during the late June offensive along the Eastern Alps. The Syndintern control of Klagenfurt was under heavy attack by German armor.

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General Rose sought to flank the German counterattack by capturing Innsbruck. Rose’s forces outnumbered the enemy two to one…

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…had substantial air support…

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…had the city surrounded…

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…and even had more time to capture the city than originally predicted, due to a spirited and clever defense of Klagenfurt by the Syndintern forces there.

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But even with such an advantage, Rose called off the attack on Innsbruck. It’s not completely clear why he did so. Rose would only ever say before his passing that it made the most tactical sense to call off the attack and wait for Italian divisions coming from the south. This is likely true, but the popular story of Rose’s life will always lend a great deal of importance to his near brush with death in the Innsbruck suburb of Völs.

Rose had a penchant for commanding his troops from close to the front line. It was a risky proposition but one that had earned him the respect of his troops from the earliest stages of the civil war. It very nearly cost him his life in Völs, when his command tank was disabled by a mine. Shortly afterwards, a group of local partisans sprung an ambush. One climbed on top of Rose’s tank and fired a submachine gun into the hatch which had been blown ajar by the mine. One bullet grazed Rose’s arm and the attacker very well could have killed him if he hadn’t been killed himself at that moment.

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Two days later, Rose ordered a retreat from both Tyrol and Carinthia. A common interpretation of these events is that the attack in Völs shook Rose so much that he was no longer willing to lead his army in the same aggressive fashion as he had been before, hence the retreat. In the longer term, it allegedly inspired Rose’s retirement from the Red Army in 1949 and his second and third careers as an accomplished diplomat and the mayor of Denver. The only man who knows for sure how much of a role that ambush played has left us now, and so we can only really speculate. In my opinion, its effect was probably overstated. Rose continued to lead from the front, and the slow and methodical pace of his advances after this point can probably be attributed more to the unfavorable terrain of the region than anything else.

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After all, Innsbruck represented what was honestly the first true setback for the Trans-Atlantic Expeditionary Force with Rose at its helm. Even then, the unit itself was doing quite well in Innsbruck. Instead of going for the personal glory and the headline, General Rose decided to retreat and regroup. I think it flies in the face of everything Rose accomplished before and since to attribute this to a broken spirit. We must remember that the stakes for the Combined Syndicates were extremely high during Rose’s campaigns in North America, where he earned his reputation. In Austria, the Syndintern needed more than anything to hold the Germans back, not to strike a death blow right then and there.

Imagine, for a second, that Rose had persisted and captured Innsbruck. But then German armor advances through the hole left by the defeat in Klagenfurt. Then perhaps we would be talking about how many Syndintern units were surrounded and destroyed in Slovenia, the collapse of the Italian front, the scrambling of divisions to hold back the Germans, which then leads to a new lease on life for the enemy in the Middle East or Flanders, so on and so forth. Perhaps this is too pessimistic and maybe some spectacular success may have come from the capture of Innsbruck, but the point is that these were the scenarios that must have been playing out in Rose’s mind when he made his decision.

Instead of being too cautious, I think Rose was being prudent. We have the benefit of looking back from a time where the Prague Pact is long gone and the victory of international socialism seems like it was an inevitability, a clearly superior and evolved society triumphing over an archaic and brutal one. Rose did not live in such certain times.

I’d like to thank everybody who contributed a question. The question thread on eProletarian is now closed, as we have plenty of material to span Rose’s entire life, however there is a new thread to discuss these findings. References for each answer can be found in that thread (once again, see page 2 for instructions to connect). As promised, next week will focus on the Istanbul negotiations.

 
Chapter Nineteen: Three Weeks in August (The Sinai Peninsula: August 1 – 21, 1943)

L’Humanite du Monde – English Edition – February 2, 1973

An Unlikely Historian on a Mission to Collect Artifacts from the Twilight of the Ottoman Empire

Mazhar Asif Gaber, Staff Writer, Cairo Bureau

Joseph Marchesi, by this time next year, will have lived in Egypt for a longer period of time than he lived in the United States, the country of his birth. Mr Marchesi, who prefers to be called Joe, is the youngest of three brothers. His older two brothers were both killed in action, one in Baltimore and the other in Italy. His mother died shortly thereafter, “of heartbreak” according to Joe, leaving no family for Joe to return home to. He first came to Egypt as a soldier in the Revolutionary Marines, and permanently relocated after the war. He then married the daughter of a prominent labor activist in Port Said.

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Joe and his wife, Fatima, lived in Port Said for ten years, until Fatima was killed in an automobile accident.

“She was the popular one, and all of her friends stopped coming around after she died. There was nothing left for me there after she died, so I started to look for opportunities to move out of the city.”

The fishing syndicate in Abu Zenima, a small coastal town to the southeast of Port Said, had an opening for a boat mechanic. Joe took the position, despite having only ever driven through the town.

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Joe’s new job had him sailing familiar waters. He had, twelve years prior, sailed these waters as part of the Sinai invasion force that seized the peninsula and dealt the fatal blow to the centuries-old Ottoman Empire.

“When I first moved here, the Ottoman occupation had only been gone for a few years. The people who had lived in the zone appreciated what we had done.”

The Ottoman Empire is deservedly regarded as one of the weaker member states of the Prague Pact. German support had propped up the Sultan for decades by the time the war broke out, and by August of 1943, it was increasingly forced to stand on its own two feet. The sizable Ottoman Army was not well regarded by either the Internationale or the German High Command, but German war planners desperate to match the manpower reserves of North America sought out to bring them into the fold regardless.

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The Ottoman Army’s combat experience in the years between the wars consisted of putting down domestic revolts such as the Kurdish Uprising of 1938. They were not equipped to do battle against American troops who had been involved in almost constant warfare since 1936.

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When Joe landed on the beaches of the Sinai peninsula in August of 1943, he remembers that the Ottoman defenders seemed to not even know how to respond.

“We had picked a horrible time to land. It was storming badly and we were having all kinds of trouble getting ashore, but they just seemed to miss every opportunity they were handed. They had no artillery, no machine gun emplacements, not anything.”

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In the defense of the Ottoman Army, or at least those specific defenders, they were being outclassed on multiple fronts. American bombers operated unmolested over the peninsula. The Ottomans had barely any anti-aircraft weaponry.

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“With all of that, we didn’t even have the easiest time! The First Marines were practically invited ashore!”

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Joe is only moderately exaggerating. The barely contested landings contrast with the vicious battles of other fronts that feature heavily in cinema and literature, part of why Joe believes the theater does not get the attention he thinks it deserves.

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“If you asked me to imagine one of those action movies based off my experience in the Sinai, I don’t think I could do it. Sure there was combat, but there was never any doubt that we were going to crush the enemy. But just because it wasn’t as intense as France or Spokane doesn’t mean it wasn’t important.”

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An encounter with a teenage boy three years ago caused Joe to realize that the youth of Egypt were not being taught much of anything about the course of the war. Fatima had been a teacher, and so Joe found an opportunity to both honor his late wife and put his war experience to good use.

“I made some calls, and found that the antiquities people had nobody assigned to researching the war. All about ancient Egypt, which is fine of course, but still I think there’s something of value to learn from the war.”

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The Battle of the Suez was one of the largest single engagements outside Europe during the war, and Joe has taken it upon himself to preserve its history as the Director of the Sinai World War Museum, an as of yet nonexistent museum that Joe hopes he can find a home for in Suez or Port Said. With almost a million people having been involved in the operation on both sides, Joe has already gotten a good response from Canadians, Quebecois and American veterans.

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Joe is keeping the donated items in an old warehouse in Abu Zenima until he can secure a site to permanently display them. Until then, he is happy to show off some artifacts anybody who shows up at the warehouse. He has one assistant, a graduate student from Canada, who is spending a semester with him.

“First thing he learned was how to waterproof a ceiling. Gotta protect this stuff!”

One of the first things that caught my eye was a nearly intact ship’s wheel, missing only a few spokes.

“I got this from a kid up in Gaza. His dad pulled it off the beach and said it belonged to a Turkish supply ship that got blown to pieces in the Mediterranean. I sent photos of it to a naval historian in Istanbul to see if I could confirm that but I haven’t heard back yet. You know the Ottomans tried to relieve their canal garrison by sea after we cut them off on land, right?”

I did not.

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It was one of many things I learned from Joe. Next to the ship’s wheel was a desk covered with plaques and a map. The plaques described, in Arabic, English and French, facts about Ottoman fortifications, the positions of which were laid out on the map.

“I just need permission from the antiquities people to place those plaques at those sites. They’re not getting back to me either.”

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Joe has grown accustomed to being ignored in his newfound quest. One objective of particular difficulty has been to find records and artifacts about the sizable number of Ottoman casualties and POWs from the battle. There is, after all, lingering controversy about how the Ottoman dead were interred.

“I remember hearing that many were burned or left out in the desert. The enemy collapsed so quickly that we barely knew what to do with them. I don’t think some of the powers that be want that to be known. Something about the Brotherhood.”

That something is the fact that cremation and non-burial are considered a sacrilege in the eyes of the Muslim faith. In this climate of competition between Islamism and socialism, anything that would make the Internationale appear to have disrespected Islam is a touchy subject. It is unsurprising that Joe is getting nowhere with either Turkish or American sources.

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Joe’s favorite part of the collection is the photographs. He has thousands of photographs, donated from people all over the world who respond to his appeals through veterans’ groups and newspaper notices.

“My favorite photo?”

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“It’s this one.”

He carefully pulls it from a file cabinet and shows it to me. The photo is of Harry Haywood accepting the surrender of the Ottoman armies in the Suez, only three weeks after Joe landed on the beaches of the Sinai.

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The Ottoman commanders are clearly and obviously demoralized in the photo. They had been thoroughly beaten, finally struck down by the malaise that had infected the empire for decades. The photo is captioned: “l’empire ottoman – 1453-1943”

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The start date is off by over 150 years, marking the Ottoman capture of Constantinople rather than the true birth of the empire, but the point is true. The Battle of the Suez was the punctuation mark on almost two centuries of decline, the final death of Ottoman power. Only one small corner of the Empire had actually been conquered, sure, but any glimmer of hope the Ottomans had of keeping the Internationale back died with a hundred thousand of its men along the canal.

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“I’m just trying to convince the right people that this is important. You know, the Ottomans were once Egypt’s nemesis? So I don’t understand why they wouldn’t want to commemorate something that contributed to their demise.”

I have an idea why. Joe’s unit, the Revolutionary Marines, wasn’t involved when the American Red Army put an end to the pre-socialist Egyptian state, a tactically expedient decision with repercussions that play out across the front page of this newspaper seemingly every day. History and politics will always be tied up in one another, and so the odds will likely remain stacked against Joe in his newest battle. Not that he’s going to let that discourage him.

“As long as somebody is keeping the history alive. That’s the most important thing.”

 
Chapter Twenty: The Great Arsenal of Socialism (Western Europe: April – October 1943)

Propaganda film produced by Los Angeles Bureau of Filmmakers. Released to public September 24, 1943.

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This is Leonard. He sure looks down, don’t he? Say, Leonard, what’s the matter?

A down on his luck man standing in front of a massive billboard exhorting Americans to enlist turns to face the camera.

“They just told me I couldn’t fight because of my bad eyes. It’s back to the shoe factory for me…”

What’s wrong with working at the shoe factory, Leonard?

“I want to be over there. Fighting for what’s important!”

Oh, but don’t you see, Leonard, you can fight for what’s important at home too.

“I can?”

Sure can. Leonard, meet Gerald.

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Gerald is a soldier in the Red Army, looking through binoculars towards some mountains.

Gerald, how do you like your new boots?

“Oh, they’re the best. They sure do help us climbing up all these hills.”

Do you recognize those boots, Leonard?

“Why I sure do, we make those at our plant!”

And that, Leonard, is how you are in the fight. And what do you say, Jess?

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Jess is a welder working in a shipyard. She speaks with a thick Scottish accent.

“We use these welders to fix up our ships. We just got them in from Mississippi. Thank you, comrades!”

And how about you, Jacques?

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Jacques is fueling up a fighter plane.

“Texas oil keeps all our planes flying. Merci, camarades!”

Giuseppe?

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Giuseppe is working on a train.

“West Virginia coal keeps our trains moving. Grazie, compagni!

You’re welcome, comrade! And how about you, Harriett?

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Harriett is tending to the wounded in a hospital.

“Bandages made in Tennessee helped me save three lives today! Thanks, comrades!”

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See, Leonard? Workers like you are keeping the free world fighting each and every day. Without American industry, why, we wouldn’t stand a chance.

“Yes, you’re right! I’ve gotta head back to the plant. People are counting on me!”

Leonard picks up his lunch box and confidently walks up the hill towards the plant. The seal of the IWW is superimposed over top of the factory as an instrumental version of the Internationale ends the film.

------------------------------------------------

Excerpt from An Easy History of: The American Red Navy, part of the Easy History series by Dexter Knowles. Published 2008.

The Dawn of the Carrier Era

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The short period of submarine dominance in Red Navy thinking came to an end when the first post-revolution carriers were launched. Submarines had been originally intended as a complement to the main battleship fleet of the Navy. It was only due to the losses of the previous few years that the submarine corps was forced into the limelight as the diminished surface fleet was relegated to amphibious support operations.

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Post-revolutionary naval planners were divided on the direction to take with new naval construction. The British and Japanese carrier fleets provided one example and the German battleship fleet provided another, the latter with a proven track record but the former promising increased range and power projection capability. Ultimately, the British example proved to be too convincing, especially with the blossoming Anglo-American alliance allowing for a great deal of technological exchange. Plans were made for thirty carriers that would span an Atlantic and a Pacific Fleet. Fifteen of these carriers were operational by the summer of 1943 and made up the core of the European Task Force that was sent to Dover, England from Norfolk, Virginia.

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The American carriers were welcomed warmly by the British, who were saddled with the lion’s share of responsibility when it came to battling the German fleet. The depleted American Red Navy had grown into a world class force with the addition of the carriers. The British had dealt serious blows to the German Navy in the opening months of the war, particularly during the Battle of Heligoland and the Battle of Malta.

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By the summer of 1943, the Germans had reverted to a fleet-in-being posture due to their losses. (Remember: a fleet-in-being aims to affect the enemy by staying in port, thus forcing the enemy to deploy forces to guard against them.) Commerce raiding missions continued, however, and the long range of the American carriers’ planes allowed them to hunt down and dispatch German ships with relative ease.

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The carrier fleet had arrived too late to face any real test of its battle readiness but it was nonetheless very effective in expanding the ‘safe zone’ beyond the English Channel and allowing for Internationale trade with the Netherlands to go on unhindered.

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German industry would already be hard pressed to match the shipbuilding capabilities of both the Combined Syndicates and the Union of Britain, and so the sinking of six German ships in the first few weeks of the American naval mission to the North Sea was a serious blow to the Prague Pact’s morale.

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American naval power also meant that there were more ships available to establish an Internationale blockade of Germany. With the Mediterranean closed off, a North Sea blockade would prove to be disastrous for the Germans. In the later stages of the war, the Germans faced dire shortages of important materials as their colonies were either conquered or isolated.

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The Internationale could have maintained the blockade and waited for French forces to forcibly evict the High Seas Fleet from its ports, but Red Navy brass were eager to test out the capabilities of their new carriers. And so the Raid on Wilhelmshaven was conceived.

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The Raid was not any kind of turning point in the European war. The German fleet had already been more or less contained through British effort. However, it would prove to be important because of what it would eventually inspire.

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American planes successfully managed anti air defenses and German fighters and heavily damaged the port facilities at Wilhelmshaven, as well as sinking a number of German vessels. The Red Navy used the Raid as a case study that would form the basis of its new carrier-based doctrine. That in turn would lead to the far more well known carrier raids of later years.

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“I don’t understand it. Why in the hell wouldn’t they send ground forces now?”

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“When the Germans looked like they were gonna barrel right on to Marseille, they were about to, but now the situation is ‘under control’ and they’re ‘evaluating.’”

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“What’s to evaluate?! We got them on the back foot! When the iron’s hot, don’t let it cool. Strike it! BEAT THE EVER LOVING SHIT OUT OF IT!”

*a short silence where only some heavy breathing can be heard*

“If you give yourself a heart attack, I’m going to have to do all this work on my own and I will not be happy. Get a hold of yourself for Christ’s sake.”

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“I know, I know, it’s just… The goddamn Italians are sending troops to the French lines and they’re trying to piece together their country at the same time. What is holding back the British? Are the Irish that frightening? Is the memory of Viking raids that fucking terrifying still? Will the goddamn King sail from Australia to Portsmouth while nobody’s paying attention? I don’t understand their reluctance. We can put the Germans away and the sooner the better.”

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“Well if the recent trend continues, there will be less and less urgency to convince them with. Now that the fight is on German soil, it seems more like a matter of time.”

“There’s still a lot of fight left in that dog.”

“Well I know that, but they don’t seem to. And with all the rationing and shortages in France, the CSP needs to promise the situation will be over with soon before people get antsy.”

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“We even sent over the carriers like they wanted and they’re still playing with themselves. I don’t understand it.”

“Are you even listening to me?”

“What?”

*a sigh is heard*

“Listen, it’s going to be fine in the end. Our offensive in Austria drew forces away and now they’re finding the holes. Their armor will bust through in no time and we’ll be done with this. The lack of British ground forces probably just reduces our chances at reaching Berlin by the end of the year.”

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“Why Makhno made that guarantee is beyond me… just idiotic. But more importantly, I just get this sense that the Internationale is splintering as we’re approaching our greatest triumph. The French get angrier and angrier each day. They’ve been giving the Germans a good hiding all summer, sure, but at such a cost… Honestly, man, how do you see this playing out?”

“Well the humanist in me weeps for those lives that will be lost for no good reason.”

“I take it there’s some other aspect of you that has a different stance.”

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“The cynic.”

“And what does he say?”

“How much longer do we need to keep pretending that America isn’t carrying this entire alliance on her back? If France is too depleted and Britain is too unwilling, then soon enough it will be our time to captain the ship. And that’s both a responsibility and an opportunity.”

*A long silence*

“We’ll have to see about all that. Let’s just win this damn war first.”

 
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