This Land is Your Land: A Darkest Hour: Kaiserreich AAR

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter One: The Early Days of a Better Nation (June-July 1937)

The Atlantic Monthly July 1937

Mr. Kennedy & The Last Fourth of July
Lawrence Garrett

Earlier this month, I had the unique and, I believe, historic experience of attending the annual Fourth of July celebrations in Boston as a guest of Ambassador Joseph Kennedy. Mr. Kennedy was, as you may remember, appointed to the Canadian ambassadorship in one of the last acts of the Washington Congress before it abandoned the former capital to the approaching Benjamin Franklin Corps. Rumors have persisted that Mr. Kennedy himself invited the Canadians to occupy New England. Mr. Kennedy denies this and insists that he was instrumental in regaining the sovereignty of the seven states. Whatever the truth may be, Mr. Kennedy has positioned himself as the broker between the Governors' Council and the Canadian government, which effectively makes him the most powerful man in New England. He personally overruled Mayor Mansfield's decision to cancel the Fourth of July festivities due to the 'temporary situation' in the rest of the country.

This 'temporary situation' has persisted for months and with the surrender of the Denver government to the Combined Syndicates, it appears it will go on indefinitely. The Governors' Council has begun to assume the responsibilities of the federal government, electing Governor Baxter of Maine as an 'emergency executive' and transforming the National Guards into a full-time professional army. Despite the outward appearance of a newly independent nation, Mr. Kennedy insists that the seven states remain faithful constituents of the United States of America.

I am a proud American and I desperately want to believe Mr. Kennedy. It is so comforting to imagine that the nation is not broken. It is so tempting to believe that this all is temporary. It is also impossible. The presence of Prime Minister Bennett at Mr. Kennedy's side belies his hollow optimism.

All New Englanders remember when the Royal Army crossed the border in the chaotic days following the outbreak of war. We all remember the riots when the Royal Army was invited in to suppress the syndicalist riots in Boston and Buffalo this winter. It strikes us all as bizarre that the state of New York no longer contains the city of New York. We have family across the nation who we have been unable to speak to since last autumn. The Yankees have not played in Fenway Park all year. We are all acutely aware of the irony of Royal soldiers guarding a Fourth of July parade. We were all confused when Mr. Kennedy spoke last week about how the average New Englander should be deeply concerned with the fate of the Entente in India. Nobody can escape the feeling that everything normal about our lives as Americans is gone.

I believe in Mr. Kennedy's genuine desire to help New England, I believe that he is doing his utmost to maintain our American way of life in the face of syndicalist revolution and imperial machinations. But I cannot believe him when he says that the seven states are still part of the United States. Whether I want to believe it or not, the United States are no more and they very possibly may never be again.

Ever since the red and black was raised above the Capitol last winter, New England's spirits seem deflated. The Canadians were supposed to ensure temporary order in New England while the United States Army reestablished control over the rest of the nation. The Canadians have not left and the United States Army no longer exists, its units either subsumed into the Syndicate Guards, the Pacific Army or the Royal Army. Nothing has worked itself out the way we hoped it would.

A vast expanse of the nation lies under the control of the Combined Syndicates. Former Congressman Brewster from Maine describes them as a 'hopeless Godless rabble', which any logical person can see is untrue. Like the Confederacy would have been if they had bested the Union, they are a new and legitimate state and they will not relinquish what they won without a fight. The 'criminals and traitors', as Congressman Brewster called Reed's government, are establishing themselves more and more with every day that goes by.

Not only are they establishing a new government, they are establishing a new society. The recently announced agricultural reforms signal just how ambitious Reed and Mattick are in their vision for American society. Tenant farming has been immediately and completely abolished and the land turned over to sharecroppers. New local councils of farmers will manage production and cooperation like in the industrial model used across the Internationale and in France in particular. This conflict is not merely a matter of policy, not even an important policy like the legality of slavery, but rather a matter of two utterly incompatible ideologies and ways of life. Contrary to popular belief, we have not been spared the horrors of civil conflict that we saw across the cities of the South and Midwest. They have merely been delayed.

The Pacific States of America have taken on a more pragmatic attitude. The Pacific States have legally seceded and no longer consider themselves to be part of any United States. President Merriam and Speaker Olson are indeed embroiled in a contentious debate over economic policy, a far cry from the appearance of unity that the New England governors have put forth. Still though, an important point can be discerned from the fierce rhetoric of those two men, with Merriam putting down Olson as 'Reed's western deputy' and Olson making dire predictions that Seattle and San Francisco will look like New York and Philadelphia unless his wide ranging 'New Deal' of economic stimulus measures is passed by the Senate.

The parties of the Senate in Sacramento may not be able to agree on how best to move forward, but they do at least seem to realize the magnitude of the threat posed by the Reed regime. This sole instance of bipartisanship has demonstrated itself in the expansion of the Pacific Army. The professional core of the army that fought against MacArthur's men during the civil war has been supplemented with conscripts, trained in the use of imported Japanese arms.

The Pacific States are also prepared for hostilities with the right wing regime in Mexico. Mexico laid claim to most of the Pacific States in their renunciation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and neither side appears willing to negotiate over the continuing standoff in Arizona. Peace has only been maintained at the insistence of the Canadian government, who fears that an Arizona War will provide an opening for the Combined Syndicates to strike at Canada's growing network of North American allies while it is distracted.

If anybody needs any more evidence that the United States is well and truly gone, only look to the newest member of that alliance, Hawaii. The former territory declared its independence after the secession of the Pacific States and the two nations have been developing a close economic bond since. The new nations out west are correctly preparing for an unknown and dangerous future. Perhaps one day, the formerly United States will find a way to reunite under one flag. If New England and the rest of the Entente do not prepare for the inevitable conflict with the syndicalists, that flag will be red and black. We can only hope that Mr. Kennedy and the Governors' Council recognize that.

I was at last year's Fourth of July festivities in Boston as well. It was a raucous and overtly political affair. The Democrats and Republicans were out touting their patriotic qualities, as they always have, especially in an important election year. In addition to that, there were large rallies by both the syndicalists and the America First party celebrating what they thought America truly meant and what America ought to be. It was an intense democratic dialogue between fellow Americans, about as American an occasion as one can think of.

This year's festivities, despite Mr. Kennedy's best efforts, were nothing at all like that. The Democrats and Republicans gave their speeches but very few people seemed to care. The syndicalists who haven't fled to the Bronx were in hiding, afraid to end up arrested. The America First faithful followed their leader to Cuba, to drink away their woes in Havana and to plot with another Canadian ally in Cuba about how they are going to reclaim their former status.

I enjoyed Mr. Kennedy's hospitality and I'll express my gratitude for his invitation here as I did to him in person. I asked Mr. Kennedy if I could expect an invitation to next year's Fourth of July party.

"Sure, if there is one." he said, with a sullen look on his face. He clearly picked up on the dejected atmosphere around his pep rally. The Pacific States have already adopted November 12th as their new Independence Day. Reed proclaimed that November 11th will be 'Revolution Day' across the Combined Syndicates. Here in New England we only have a day of bitter irony, a celebration of freedom from the British King, celebrated under the watchful eye of George's descendant.

I mentioned that I found the experience historic because it is my sincere belief that I will never live to see another Fourth of July celebration. The great democratic experiment of our founding fathers has failed after one hundred and sixty years and it is impossible to imagine that it could be restarted without more violence. In fact, it seems ever more likely that bloodshed will be required to defend even this small corner of what once was. Whatever happens, if we survive or not, the character of New England and the rest of the United States will be irrevocably altered. The history of the founding fathers can no longer help us. And so the Fourth of July must become just another day.

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Two: La Socialisme Éclairant Le Monde (August 1937)

Speech to the Reichstag by MP Niklas Maurer (DVP), August 26th, 1937

After our victory in the Weltkrieg, the Emperor spoke of Germany atop the world, the resolve of our people and the skill of our military and a new era of peace and prosperity. We have seen anything but in the time since. Our nation is under greater threat than at any other time of the Empire's sixty five years. For fifteen years we have sat at the center of Mitteleuropa, clearly the greatest alliance of our time, and we are all right to be proud of that accomplishment. However, it is time for Chancellor Wels and the SPD to wake up to a threat large enough to destroy what we have built.

At any other time in our history, I would applaud the Empire's decision to unite the thrones of Poland and Lithuania to create a strong ally at the center of Mitteleuropa.

However, I must strongly protest at the decision to also interfere on the side of Poland and Hungary in the Austrian civil war. Clearly our once ally is not the power they once were, but at this time we can ill afford to alienate any nation that is willing to combat the Internationale. The Chancellor should have put the prestige of his office as representative of the Kaiser into resolving the conflict and bringing all parties into the fold against the syndicalists.

It seems as though every day we are discussing matters of empire, such as our focus today on the Shangqing Problem. I understand the importance of our bonds with the Qing Emperor for our Asiatic interests but I must implore you all to consider the syndicalist problem as the greatest problem this body must face.

Our Empire has rarely been concerned with North America but now it ought to garner more of our attention than Africa or even Asia. Yesterday, Reed and Faure met at the base of the Statue of Liberty, a symbol of Franco-American friendship, and agreed on terms for the Combined Syndicates to accede to the military protocols of the Napoli Accords, a level of integration that not even the Union of Britain has agreed to yet.

French experts in weapons technology and training are already in America training the next generation of dangerous revolutionaries. We have been prone to ignore the United States, as it has long been completely unconcerned with the affairs of Europe, content to lord over its hemisphere and feed on the corpses of empires past. But I fear the civil war has ignited a dangerous spark in this sleeping giant. The vast resources of that continent could be aligned against us if the Entente fails to contain this threat.

Imagine I have IC set on upgrades. I'm upgrading the least used militia units to garrisons and the experienced ones to infantry. It's not efficient given our Central Planning focus but it seems lame to have the units that fought the civil war end up doing guard duty while real infantry fights the rest of the wars.

Our brave men who volunteered to fight the noble fight against the Combined Syndicates have described the Syndicate Guards as a 'rabble' and that they only had success due to the support of Britain and France. How long can that situation persist, now that MacArthur and Long have failed?

How can we hope to defeat the French if thirty or forty well trained and equipped American divisions arrive to assist them?

And even if we were to disregard the land forces of the Americans, the Combined Syndicates already have a dozen battleships and two carriers. Consider for a moment the former United States Navy and the Republican Navy sailing into the North Sea as one. I fear we will bankrupt ourselves if we attempt to match the strength of the now three great syndicalist navies as well as attempting to compete with the Japanese.

The Americans have already made their intent perfectly clear by 'paying forward' the assistance of the French, as Reed himself put it. American volunteers and goods have already arrived in the next theater of this global conflict.

The syndicalists in America and France have not hesitated to assist the Totalists in Russia. Their ideological squabbles are clearly secondary to their common goal: destroying the German Empire. How many great powers must line up against us before you all take the syndicalist threat seriously?

The idea of a Franco-American army is enough to worry about. If we add Russia and Britain to that equation, then it is clear that we are in a dire situation.

Our influence and global prestige have been curtailed across the globe. The Marxists in Bolivia have defied our good friends in Buenos Aires and we have done nothing to reassure our Platinean allies that they have our support.

Even our neighbors begin to boldly defy us! Chancellor Wels was very quick to visit Amsterdam to congratulate his fellow social democrats for their electoral victory. Did that help our cause? They receive Guerin and Faure with as much fanfare as the Kaiser himself. They even order their ships from the shipbuilding syndicates of France instead of from Kiel.

And above all, our response to the illegal occupation of Geneva has been the most tepid and disgraceful act of this SPD government yet. How can we expect to be taken seriously in Lisbon, Santiago or Peking if this is how we react to such scandalous aggression right next door?

And let's not delude ourselves that Mitteleuropa is immune to this disease. The situation in Ukraine has gotten out of hand and unless we want to hand the eastern jewel of Mitteleuropa to the Soviets, then we ought to do whatever is necessary to restore proper order to the Ukraine.

Our grasp on the world is slipping and we are failing to recognize the existential threats on our borders, like many other great civilizations of history. Will we stand idly by while the barbarians of this century destroy our great empire?

We ought to extend a hand to those we have vanquished in the past. The King in Canada has the right idea about how to respond to these godless thugs. Even with Red Detroit within spitting distance of their borders, the Canadians are not shy about projecting their limited power right into the heart of their enemy's backyard. Should we not be doing the same? Shouldn't we be reaching out to all the nations of the Americas to strangle this monster in its crib?

I obviously believe we must but I am afraid the Chancellor will not. How many more of our partners must fall to the syndicalists before you all take this seriously? The syndicalists have expressed an explicit desire to wipe the ways of monarchy and Christendom from the earth and our attempts to appease these monsters will only end in disaster. Perhaps when Madrid raises the red and black you will all wake up and prepare to do what is necessary. This is why I must ask all of you to support the legislation to further cooperation with the British Empire in exile. This is not the time for petty rivalries among the good and moral Christian nations of the world, not when our enemies are so singularly focused on destroying us all. Gott mit uns!

The proposed legislation failed in the Reichstag by a margin of eighty five votes, with the SPD majority voting it down, citing a reluctance to 'incite conflict'. Maurer would be killed by an anarchist two months after this speech was given.

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Three: Déjà Veracruz (Early September 1937)

Excerpt from Comrade Marshall: A Biography by Forrest Pogue

Chapter 17: The Soldier & the Socialist

General Marshall's writings from the summer of 1937 serve as a reflection of the uncertain nature of the time. In many ways, he can be regarded as an example of how ordinary Americans related to the newly victorious and unabashedly radical Combined Syndicates. The Central Committee was largely made up of ardent socialists, most notably John 'Jack' Reed and Paul Mattick, both of whom were veterans of failed European revolutionary movements in the post-Great War period. This was somewhat in contrast to the union background of many in the Continental Chamber and the still developing hierarchy of state and municipal Chambers that sent delegates to the Continental Chamber. Beyond the revolutionary Central Committee and the mostly labor-democratic Chamber were all the so-called 'regular Americans' who were neither ideologically committed to the CSA's syndicalist program nor intractably opposed to it, a majority in all of the nation except for the urban industrial centers of the Northeast and the racially divided South.

Reflecting upon his writings from the fall of 1936, Marshall can be seen as a representative of this majority. He felt that his duties as an Army officer were to uphold the Constitution and failing that, to defend the popular will of the American people. He felt that the suspension of the presidential election was unconstitutional which meant the federal government was an illegitimate authority. His choice to defect to the Syndicate Guards was, as his previous letters show, the most painful and difficult decision he had made. Marshall was forced to decide which of the factions most represented the 'American values of liberty and democracy', as he wrote in one late October entry. His distaste for MacArthur's actions as well as the racist and anti-Semitic attitudes among many of the Union State elite led him to embrace the Combined Syndicates, whose radically different form of democracy still counted as democracy in Marshall's eyes.

Marshall was publicly silent and privately apprehensive about the revolutionary program of the Combined Syndicates, even after he defected from the United States Army and led the Franco-American Benjamin Franklin Corps to be the most decorated unit of the civil war. Even though he never spoke or acted against Reed, he still had a large number of detractors. Certain radicals and especially Totalists on the Committee regarded him as a dangerous remnant of the former capitalist power structure. When Reed began to work with the Committee and Chamber on developing a permanent structure for the Syndicate Guards, he at first regarded the choice of who would direct the building process as a political matter, his primary concern being not to give too much power to or alienate any of the numerous factions that existed at the time. The eventual shift in his thinking can be seen in his notes from a Committee meeting held a mere three days after the surrender of the Denver government.

Reed summoned Marshall to Chicago to get to know him better before making his decision. After one day of discussions with Marshall, Reed canceled his meetings with the other candidates and made preparations for the Chamber to confirm Marshall as the first Supreme Commander of the Syndicate Guards, a position he would hold for nearly fifteen years. Reed found Marshall to not only be the least threatening and most humble candidate but also the most strategically gifted. Within weeks, Marshall and Reed had already laid out the blueprint for what would become the Mexican Intervention.

Marshall chose Mexico as a primary and immediate objective for multiple reasons. The Entente was not friendly with Mexico due to its Arizonan dispute with the Pacific States, so the Combined Syndicates could attack without the risk of a larger North American war. The choice also provided some common ground for the former United States Army and the Syndicate Guards to rally around. The Army regarded the Mexicans as cowardly vultures, who had attacked the United States at its most vulnerable hour. The Guards were on board because they believed the Mexican government to be an illegitimate junta that was dismantling the legacy of the late Emiliano Zapata. The Internationale gave its wholehearted blessing to the operation, happy to see their newest member taking the initiative in restoring one of the oldest socialist states in the world. Marshall also convinced Reed that the war-weary American public and even the largely anti-syndicalist population of the Mexican-occupied Southwest would welcome the attack as an act of liberation, an idea that would eventually prove to be correct.

The stars are provinces we need to occupy to annex Mexico.

Marshall's plan split Mexico into four operation areas, named Southwest, Texas, Mexico and Norte. The Mexican army was concentrated in Texas and Southwest. Marshall conceived of a major attack into the plains of Texas, supported by a smaller attack into New Mexico and an amphibious attack on Veracruz. Marshall was a student of American military history and knew that the Gulf Coast port had been occupied twice before by the United States, which went a long way towards achieving American goals during both previous conflicts. This time the goal would be to capture Mexico City, depose the junta and cut the nation in two. The only sector that Marshall left out of his initial assault was Norte, which he envisioned falling to a three pronged attack from each of the other three sectors after they had been captured.

Reed was convinced by Marshall's plan and authorized the operation to go ahead in early September.

The Chamber authorized the declaration of war while the navy steamed out of New Orleans towards Veracruz.

The majority of the Syndicate Guards, split into five units, began their assault into Texas and New Mexico the morning of September 6th. The command of the corps was split between professional officers and political figures. Marshall took command of an expanded Benjamin Franklin Corps attacking out of western Oklahoma, while his close friend Maurice Rose assumed control once again of the Transatlantic Expeditionary Force in its attack on Houston. Harry Haywood and Oliver Law led the Abraham Lincoln Corps on an attack on Dallas and its environs, while Ernest Hemingway led the attack on New Mexico.

The Syndicate Air Guards had grown considerably in strength with the absorption of Union State and United States air wings. Much like the civil war, the Air Guards were tasked with weakening the most entrenched enemy positions, which led to their initial use in Houston and Albuquerque.

Marshall would have very much liked to wait to attack until his program to organize and modernize the militias was completed but the Mexican army was rather weak, poorly trained and hampered by local partisans, and so he felt confident that the militias, interspersed with professional infantry, could handle the Mexicans.

Reed left the military affairs entirely to Marshall and concerned himself with using the conflict to unite the nation. The Mexican junta was vilified through exaggerated reports of Mexican brutality against Southwestern populations published in papers across the nation.

The war marked the end of the most violent period of Southern resistance to the Combined Syndicates. The stated goal of liberating fellow Americans from a foreign power resonated as well in the South as the rest of the nation. Racial tensions were therefore temporarily overshadowed, which led to a marked decrease in support for the Klan and other smaller anti-syndicalist partisan organizations.

The spirit of reconciliation was most notable in the Air Guards, where the effective cooperation of former enemies contributed heavily to the early success of the operation. The Mexican fortifications around Houston were significantly damaged by air bombardment, leaving them ill prepared to deal with the TAEF.

Due to the battles raging across Texas, the Mexican army had left the Gulf Coast entirely undefended, believing that the Syndicate Guards were incapable of amphibious operations. They had forgotten about the Army divisions that had integrated into the Guards. Among the non-commissioned officers of these units were veterans of the 1914 occupation of Veracruz. With twelve battleships backing them up, the three divisions had barely any problems landing in the city, drawing upon their past experience and training.

The troops quickly and efficiently occupied the port, forcing out the tiny Mexican Navy in the process.

The troops did not linger long, departing immediately towards Mexico City.

The obsolete pre-Great War cruiser Anahuac attempted to interfere with the landing, only to be set upon by the dozen battleships of the Syndicate Fleet.

The cruiser was torn to pieces instantaneously by the big guns of the battleships, sinking with all hands.

While the Guards were achieving unmitigated success in Veracruz, Marshall and Hemingway had broken their opposition in New Mexico and northern Texas.

The dire reports coming out of the north led the Mexican command to decide that Texas was indefensible and to order a general retreat rather than have units be lost in an encirclement of Dallas.

Houston's warm welcoming of the Transatlantic Expeditionary Force lent creedence to Marshall's prediction of a positive reaction from the Texan population.

The Rio Grande was the objective, not only for its defensive value but also for the propaganda value of having evicted the Mexicans from American soil.

While the Mexicans were abandoning Texas, they were reinforcing the more rugged and defensible terrain New Mexico. Marshall moved the Benjamin Franklin Corps towards Lubbock in order to support Hemingway.

Hemingway was amongst the most aggressive commanders of the Syndicate Guards, unafraid to commit his men into tough battles in order to keep the enemy on their back foot.

And as had so often been the case during the civil war, the air superiority of the Syndicate Guards was crucial. The Mexican reinforcements in New Mexico were barely able to reach the front before being bombed by the Syndicate Air Guards.

Within days, the land assault and continued aerial bombardment had thrown the Mexican army in Texas into total disarray. The complete success during the opening phases of the Mexican Intervention earned Marshall the respect and trust of Reed. Even before the Mexican Intervention had ended, Reed had involved Marshall in nearly all grand strategic planning, and Marshall's loyalty and dedication helped him keep the position even after Reed's death. Marshall had successfully presided over the first step in the ascendancy of the Syndicate Guards from a group of proletarian militias to a global force.

Supreme Commander possibilities:

Haywood - proven leader and tactician with his work with ALC, Mattick concerned about putting a Totalist in charge of the Guards. He has a point, the syndicates are not yet strong enough to stand on their own, whoever leads Guards should share our agenda.
Nelson - seems more concerned with the politics of his men than their performance, but more on board with our program than Haywood
Hemingway - certainly a trustworthy candidate, more of a gifted motivator and leader than a strategist, could be put to better use elsewhere
Marshall? - Olson's recommendation. Professional soldier, he doesn't have anything to say about doctrinal disputes, got disparate people to work together in BFC, very popular with the Europeans. If he really is non-political, then he is safest option for sure.

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Four: A Window to the Pacific (mid-September-Late October 1937)

FROM: AIR COMMAND DENVER
TO: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS

OPERATION WAS A SUCCESS. THREE SLIGHTLY UNDERSTRENGTH DIVISIONS ON THE MOVE. RECON SHOWS PARTISAN ACTIVITY AND BOMBING OPERATIONS HAVING EFFECT ON ENEMY FIGHTING ABILITY.

FROM: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS
TO: AIR COMMAND DENVER

EXCELLENT. CONTINUE OPERATION AND BE ON LOOKOUT FOR FRIENDLY FORCES.

FROM: AIR COMMAND DENVER
TO: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS

ALL THREE DIVISIONS HAVE LEFT CARLSBAD ZONE. SHIFTING OPERATIONS TO AMARILLO ZONE.

FROM: TAEF
TO: AIR COMMAND TULSA

ENGAGED MEXICAN CAVALRY UNIT ON APPROACH TO CORPUS CHRISTI. PLEASE BE ON STANDBY TO PURSUE.

FROM: LOWER MEXICO COMMAND
TO: CENTRAL COMMAND

RESISTANCE HAS FINALLY MATERIALIZED IN CAPITAL. PROBABLY BEST MEXICAN ARMY HAS TO OFFER BUT CLEARLY WAS RUSHED HERE. DO NOT ANTICIPATE PROBLEMS.

FROM: CENTRAL COMMAND
TO: ABRAHAM LINCOLN CORPS, TAEF

WE ARE SENDING LAW ALONE INTO AUSTIN. CONTINUE YOUR ADVANCES AS ORDERED BUT BE PREPARED TO ASSIST HIM IN EVENT OF REINFORCEMENT.

FROM: REED
TO: LOWER MEXICO COMMAND

GUERIN HAS INFORMED ME THAT TWO DIVISIONS OF FRENCH MARINE INFANTRY WILL BE DOCKING IN VERACRUZ SHORTLY. THEY ARE COMING TO SECURE THE PORT AND TO RETURN PANCHO VILLA AND OTHER SOCIALISTS FROM EXILE IN PARIS. THEY ARE NOT PLANNING ON OPERATING OUTSIDE OF VERACRUZ BUT BE AWARE OF THEIR PRESENCE TO AVOID FRIENDLY FIRE INCIDENTS.

FROM: LOWER MEXICO COMMAND
TO: REED

UNDERSTOOD. THE CAPITAL IS UNDER OUR CONTROL. JUNTA HAS FLED AND WE HAVE HAD BRIEF CONTACT WITH SOME UNDERGROUND REMNANTS OF ZAPATAS PEOPLE. WE HAVE LEFT THE CITY TO THEIR CONTROL AND ARE CONTINUING ON TO ACAPULCO.

FROM: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS
TO: AIR COMMAND DENVER

YOU MAY CEASE SUPPORT OPERATIONS AGAINST THE AMARILLO POCKET. THE ENEMY HAS BEEN ELIMINATED FROM NORTHERN TEXAS.

FROM: AIR COMMAND DENVER
TO: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS

UNDERSTOOD. WE WILL BE ON STANDBY TO SUPPORT YOUR ADVANCE SOUTH. BE ADVISED OUR ABILITY TO ASSIST IN THE SIERRA MADRE RANGE WILL BE LIMITED DUE TO LACK OF SUITABLE FORWARD AIRBASES.

FROM: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CORPS
TO: AIR COMMAND DENVER

UNDERSTOOD. WE WILL DO OUR BEST TO DEAL WITH THE ENEMY WITHIN YOUR OPERATING RANGE. SUGGEST ASSISTING HEMINGWAYS ADVANCE AROUND THE PACIFIC SALIENT. PHOENIX HAS USABLE AIRFIELDS.

FROM: AIR COMMAND HOUSTON
TO: ALL UNITS

BE ADVISED THAT AIR COMMAND TULSA IS NOW AIR COMMAND HOUSTON. THE EARLIER RANGE LIMITS ARE NO LONGER VALID AND WE CAN NOW ASSIST YOU DEEP INTO MEXICO. GODSPEED.

FROM: GROUP DE BOMBARDMENT
TO: ALL UNITS

BONJOUR COMRADES FROM THE ARMEE DE L'AIR. WE ARE HERE TO OBSERVE AND ASSIST SO THAT WE MAY BETTER PREPARE OURSELVES FOR THE STRUGGLES AHEAD. WE ARE AVAILABLE FOR GROUND SUPPORT OPERATIONS IN TEXAS FROM OUR BASE IN LITTLE ROCK. BONNE CHANCE

FROM: LOWER MEXICO COMMAND
TO: CENTRAL COMMAND

VERACRUZ MEXICO CITY AND ACAPULCO ARE ALL UNDER OUR CONTROL. THERE REMAINS SOME RESISTANCE BUT WE WILL DO OUR BEST TO KEEP THEM AWAY FROM THE CAPITAL.

FROM: REED
TO: MARSHALL

WE CAN BE ASSURED THAT THE CANADIANS ARE WATCHING INTENTLY. WHEN THE MEXICO OPERATION HAS BEEN COMPLETED WE WILL NEED TO REVISIT WAR PLAN RED. THE ROYALISTS HAVE ESTABLISHED FORTIFICATIONS ALL ALONG THE 49TH PARALLEL. KEEP UP THE GOOD WORK.

FROM: MARSHALL
TO: REED

IT IS FOOLISH FOR THE CANADIANS TO ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH A FORTIFIED LINE ACROSS SUCH A WIDE FRONT ESPECIALLY WHEN THEY OUGHT TO BE MORE CONCERNED ABOUT CALIFORNIA AND NEW ENGLAND. WE MIGHT HAVE EXPECTED THE CANADIANS TO DO SOMETHING IN ORDER TO ASSUAGE THEIR PUBLICS CONCERN ABOUT US. IT IS EITHER FROM A PLACE OF NOT TAKING US SERIOUSLY OR FROM NOT BEING CONFIDENT IN THEIR ARMED FORCES ABILITY TO TAKE THE FIGHT INTO OUR TERRITORY. GIVEN OUR SUCCESSES IN MEXICO IT IS HARD FOR ME TO IMAGINE IT IS THE FORMER. IT SHOULD NOT BE LONG BEFORE I AM BACK IN CHICAGO AND WE CAN FIGURE OUT HOW TO APPROACH THE CANADIAN SITUATION. HOPE YOU ARE FEELING WELL.

FROM: HEMINGWAY
TO: CENTRAL COMMAND

PHOENIX HAS BEEN SURROUNDED AND THE PACIFIC TROOPS HAVE REFUSED THE MEXICANS REQUEST TO ESCAPE THROUGH THEIR TERRITORY. WE WILL REPORT BACK AS SOON AS THE AIRFIELDS ARE OPERATIONAL.

FROM: CENTRAL COMMAND
TO: TAEF

BE ADVISED THAT LOWER MEXICO COMMAND HAS SECURED THE SOUTHERN APPROACH TO MATAMOROS. SECURING MONTERREY SHOULD BE SUFFICIENT TO CUT OFF THE CAVALRY YOU HAVE BEEN DEALING WITH. THE FRENCH AIR FORCE WILL BE ON STANDBY TO ASSIST YOU.

FROM: CENTRAL COMMAND
TO: ALL UNITS

CONGRATULATIONS ARE IN ORDER TO ALL OF YOU. ALL THREE SECTORS HAVE ACHIEVED OR ARE VERY CLOSE TO ACHIEVING THE GOALS SET OUT. THE MEXICAN ARMY IS DIGGING ITSELF INTO DEFENSIVE POSITIONS ALONG THE SIERRA MADRE WITHIN THE NORTE SECTOR. KEEP IN MIND OUR DIRECTIVES. DO NOT ADVANCE RECKLESSLY. CALL UPON THE FRENCH AIR RESOURCES AND ITALIAN NAVAL SUPPORT AS MUCH AS YOU NEED TO. THEY ARE HERE TO GAIN EXPERIENCE AND TEST THEIR SYSTEMS SO THEY ARE HAPPY TO DO WHAT WE ASK. KEEP YOUR PEOPLE ALIVE. THE LESS BLOODY THIS AFFAIR IS THE EASIER THE EXIT IS FOR ALL OF US. KEEP UP THE GOOD WORK COMRADES.

FROM: GUERIN PARIS
TO: REED CHICAGO

I AM GLAD THAT OUR AIR FORCE IS HELPING. THE PEOPLE OF THE COMMUNE ARE THRILLED TO SEE THE COMBINED SYNDICATES IMMEDIATELY ACTING TO LIBERATE AN INTERNATIONALE MEMBER. I WISH WE HAD AS MUCH REVOLUTION TO CELEBRATE ON THIS CONTINENT HAS NORTH AMERICA HAS HAD IN THE LAST YEAR. IT IS BITTERSWEET TO SEE BOURGEOIS NATIONS TEAR EACH OTHER TO PIECES. CERTAINLY THEIR SHORT SIGHTEDNESS AND PETTY IMPERIAL SQUABBLES WILL WEAKEN THEM AND MAKE IT MORE DIFFICULT FOR THE BOURGEOIS ORDER TO REVERSE OUR GAINS. HOWEVER WORKERS ARE DYING IN THESE SENSELESS BATTLES AND NOT TO FURTHER THEIR OWN CAUSE. I AM NOT SURE IF YOU HAVE BEEN PAYING ATTENTION TO EUROPEAN MATTERS BUT THE DISSOLUTION OF THE AUSTRIA-HUNGARY IS COMPLETE. HUNGARY HAS WON THEIR BATTLE FOR INDEPENDENCE BUT LOST LARGE AMOUNTS OF TERRITORY TO THE SERBS IN THE PROCESS.

THE CROATS HAVE EVEN BEGUN TO THROW OFF HUNGARY AS HUNGARY DID TO AUSTRIA BUT I AM HONESTLY A BIT PUZZLED WITH THE HUNGARIAN REACTION SINCE THE SERBS CONTROL ANY PATH THE HUNGARIANS MIGHT USE TO RECONQUER ZAGREB. THE BALKANS ARE ETERNALLY BIZARRE. THE MORE THINGS CHANGE THE MORE THEY STAY THE SAME.

ONE UNFAVORABLE RESULT OF THAT CIVIL WAR IS THE ASCENDANCY OF THE NEW COMMONWEALTH WITHIN MITTELEUROPA. BEFORE WE MIGHT HAVE HOPED THE AUSTRIAN EMPIRE WOULD STAY OUT OF A CONFLICT BETWEEN THE INTERNATIONALE AND MITTELEUROPA BUT NOW SWATHES OF THEIR FORMER TERRITORY HAVE BEEN INTEGRATED FULLY INTO THE MITTELEUROPA SYSTEM.

IT IS ALSO DANGEROUS IN THAT THE PAPISTS IN NORTHERN ITALY NOW HAVE A MUCH GREATER CHANCE OF WINNING IN THEIR CONFLICT WITH THE AUSTRIANS. THE BALANCE OF POWER IN ITALY IS ALREADY SKEWED IN FAVOR OF THE NORTH AND I AM CONCERNED FOR NAPOLI IF VENETIAS RESOURCES ARE ALSO SET AGAINST THEM. I UNDERSTAND THAT THERE ARE MANY OF SICILIAN AND NEAPOLITAN DESCENT IN YOUR CITIES. PERHAPS AN EXPEDITIONARY FORCE THAT RECRUITS ITALIAN AMERICANS TO BUILD CULTURAL LINKS BETWEEN ITALY AND AMERICA SIMILAR TO THOSE BETWEEN OUR COMMUNE AND YOURS. OF COURSE THIS IS ALL THEORETICAL AND DEPENDENT UPON THE EVENTUAL DEFEAT OF THE ENTENTE.

IM ALSO CONCERNED ABOUT THE WAR THAT HAS BROKEN OUT IN CENTRAL ASIA IF ONLY OUT OF CONCERN FOR THOSE CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE. IT IS NOT AS THOUGH THE INTERNATIONALE OR EVEN MITTELEUROPA HAS MUCH OF A STRATEGIC INTEREST IN THAT REGION.

I AM HOWEVER INTERESTED IN THE SITUATION ON HISPANIOLA. OUR CONTACTS AMONG THE HAITIANS TELL US THAT BOTH SIDES IN THE WAR ARE ONLY INTERESTED IN TOTAL VICTORY AND WITHOUT THE UNITED STATES TO ENFORCE THEIR ECONOMIC WILL, ONE OR THE OTHER WILL RULE THE ENTIRE ISLAND. I WORRY ABOUT THE CARIBBEAN FEDERATION GETTING INVOLVED IN THIS AND EXPANDING ENTENTE INFLUENCE BY SUPPORTING ONE SIDE OR THE OTHER. WE DO KNOW THAT THERE IS SIGNIFICANT RESENTMENT TOWARDS GEORGETOWN AND OTTAWA ON THE HAITIAN SIDE. DO YOU HAVE ANY INTELLIGENCE ON HOW THE DOMINICAN SIDE FEELS ABOUT THEM? I AM LOOKING FORWARD TO HEARING BACK FROM YOU. CONGRATULATIONS ONCE AGAIN ON THE COMBINED SYNDICATES SUCCESS IN MEXICO.

DANIEL GUERIN

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Five: Plutarco's Redoubt (Late October-Early December 1937)

Agustin,

I hope Paris is still treating you well. Things over here are proceeding well and I will be sure to inform you as soon as we are ready to return everybody home. It's hard to believe that it has been only a year and a half since Calles betrayed us. Back then it felt like the work of our lives had been lost forever, dear Zapata gone and his legacy with him. I had resigned myself to a life of exile in Paris, in the hopes that perhaps victory in Europe could help the Internationale win back our Mexico. I must admit I never expected this. How surreal it is to cheer as Americans land in Veracruz, to see American army officers who once would have given everything to put a rope around Pancho's neck now discussing strategy with him.

I am impressed by how totally the Americans have committed to the liberation of Mexico. They of course are mainly involved in order to gain what Calles seized back. Now that Phoenix has fallen, they have reestablished control in all of their former territories. The American people there are happy to be free of Mexican control. It will not matter to us, as borders mean little between members of the Internationale.

Many of the American men involved in this are little more than militiamen, not having yet had a chance to return home since the civil war. You can see in their weary faces that their spirit for revolution is almost tapped. Some of them have more or less given up, stopped in their tracks, aware that more professional units are closing in on Plutarco. They are ready to go home. Their duty is done and I am grateful to them, as I wager their struggle has already shifted the global odds in our favor.

I'm sure that the British under the command of Comrade Rose are even more ready to go home. It has been a year since the American Revolution began, and these English volunteers have been away from home the entire time! They've journeyed from New York to Monterrey. Incredible.

The Mexican army is beginning to recognize the hopelessness of their situation. In the beginning, they were fueled by the confidence gained by defeating the Americans in the field last year. That swagger has left them, and they are more than willing to lay down their arms and go home to their families.

As I write this, Calles and the rest of the conspirators have fortified Ciudad Juarez for their last stand. Our American and French comrades have been flying air missions daily to disrupt their operations there. The American armies are moving into position for the final assault. I am going to be there to see that Calles receives his due.

I am currently in the company of two American divisions in Guadalajara, having just traveled here from Mexico City. We are moving north towards Ciudad Juarez right now. It is appropriate that the Americans will help us dispose of another tyrant in the city named after Benito.

Some of the names that we have heard in Paris are going to be involved in the final assault on Ciudad Juarez. I have already met General Marshall and Harry Haywood while here, both highly intelligent and interesting men. I'm sure you remember Hemingway's speech at the Second Congress. He is also going to be involved. It is our hope that the overwhelming force will convince Calles to surrender.

No more Mexican lives ought to be lost because of his treachery.

This leads me to the true purpose of this letter. It is time to begin considering how to manage the return of legitimate socialist government to Mexico.

The Americans are currently administrating our territories while we reorganize and reestablish contact with party members who have been driven underground.

They have promised us and France that we will be handed control as soon as Calles is dealt with.

The only terms are that Mexico will return the territories taken from the United States and that we will accede to the military protocols of the Internationale, like the Americans did a few months ago.

The regional party leaders we have been able to find and clear of collaboration have gotten together and elected me as acting President, to be confirmed as soon as the Chamber of Deputies can be reconvened. They as well as I have also agreed that you ought to be the President of the Chamber. I have taken the liberty of contacting the Communal Navy and organizing transit for you and the others from Le Havre to Veracruz. Speak with our ambassador and she will give you what you need. I look forward to working with you and will be in Veracruz when you arrive. Now I must bid you farewell, old friend. I have an execution to attend.

Vincente Lombardo Toledano
El Presidente del Estados Unidos Mexicanos

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Six: Peace Yet No Quiet (January 1938-January 1939)

This update and the following are synchronous.

Launching program GlobalClassroom, please wait....
Command line parameters: -skipintro -autologin....

Welcome Joseph Connor!

You have two unread messages.

Message 1:
From: [email protected]
Subject: Re: Late Assignment
Body: Thanks for letting me know why your paper on Mexico was late but for future reference you don't really need to provide any kind of documentation if you need some extra time on an assignment because of family matters. I've got a family too, I understand. If you need some extra time to study for the next test, I will be more than willing to give that to you. Hope everything is alright.

Message 2:

From: [email protected]
Subject: hockey?
Body: Scored some tickets for the Quebec vs Sweden exhibition in Brooklyn next weekend. I know you've been wanting to take Sean to see Brodeur one last time before he's done. Let me know if you're interested.

You have one class in progress. You are two minutes late!
HIST 215 - Building Syndicalism in North America - English #4 - Instructor: Sean Meehan - University of California - Los Angeles, CSA
Roster:

Calderon, Enrique - National Park Service - San Antonio, CSA - CONNECTED
Connor, Joseph - Jersey Electric & Telecommunications Syndicate - Fair Haven, CSA - NOT CONNECTED
De Pasquale, Theresa - Brooklyn Navy Yard - New York City, CSA - CONNECTED
Johansen, William - Iowa Growers Syndicate - Sioux City, CSA - ABSENT
LeGrand, Phillip - United Oilmen and Steel Workers - New Orleans, CSA - CONNECTED
Murphy, John - Laurentian Forestry Centre - Quebec City, QUE - CONNECTED
Wilkins, Kareem - Seversky Aviation Works - Farmingdale, CSA - CONNECTED

Connecting...

Connected!

plegrand: What sticks out most to me is that the public view of the war in Mexico was positive for different reasons in different regions.
smeehan: Yes, a deliberate tactic and a good example of media control by the Committee. The rhetoric in the syndicalist heartland was certainly more revolutionary while it was more nationalist in the south. It would have never held up in the age of the internet.

smeehan: However manipulative it might have been, the war did enhance Reed's reputation across America. When we consider that boost of support in combination with Reed's sickness, then we begin to see why Reed began to accelerate his program in 1938.

smeehan: Reed was, if nothing else, very aware of the political machinations underneath him in the Chamber and Committee. He had witnessed and studied the successes of the French and British revolutions as well as the failure of the Russian. He was not blind to the role that his immense popularity played in public support for his regime. The last thing he wanted to have happen was to die before he had faith in the durability of the institutions of the Combined Syndicates. Who remembers from the reading who proposed the Banking Decrees of 1938?
ecalderon: schachtman
jmurphy: Max Schachtman.
smeehan: Right. Max Schachtman had been among the names mentioned for what ended up being Paul Mattick's position and he still held a great deal of sway within the Chamber. Reed put his full weight behind his nationalization program, both to please Schachtman's faction and to cripple what many regarded as an offensive capitalist remnant.

kwilkins: wait so they just straight up took everything in the banks?
smeehan: No, not quite. The Banking Decrees did not actually seize bank accounts. With the largest banks under the control of the Committee and the regional banks under control of local syndicate councils, the money that was left could only really be loaned out to fund projects approved by the syndicates.
wjohansen: Why didn't they just take their money out then?
smeehan: Many did during the civil war, and lots of American fortunes ended up in Canadian or German banks. After it became clear that the Combined Syndicates was going to win, the value of the dollar versus the mark plummeted and anybody who hadn't already taken their money out was more or less unable to. The Pacific States and New England did continue to use US Dollars for a time but even in those cases but moving money from CSA-administrated territories to those areas was also made illegal by the Decrees, and many fortunes were seized on their way out. There was not much to do with the money except to play by the rules of the syndicates, and in this way, private fortunes were gradually pushed out of the economy in favor of the communal ownership model we see today.

smeehan: This did a lot to appease those who were not fully onboard with the revolutionary program of the Combined Syndicates. The Chamber did also take steps to legitimize the unofficial seizures of private property by the ad hoc revolutionary councils that sprung up in the earliest days of the civil war. Anything that had been transferred from private to public ownership was to remain public.

smeehan: Combined with the successes in Mexico, the approach paid dividends in terms of public support. The banks were a perfect villain due to their role in the Depression and the nationalization gave the syndicates a lot of control over the direction of the economy.

jconnor: What did they do with the money they seized?
smeehan: For a start, the Chamber followed up the Banking Decrees with the foundation and funding of the Council of Science Workers, which of course still exists and remains highly influential to this day. Many American scientists had fled the country during the civil war, many to New England and Canada, but also some to syndicalist nations like France and Britain. The Council was designed to entice them to come back with promises of funding and international cooperation with leading French and British scientists, which were mostly kept.

smeehan: There was a particular focus on agricultural and aeronautic research and a number of scientists took advantage of the offer when it became clear that there were not enough jobs in the places they had fled to.

smeehan: The other half of the transition involved the military. George Marshall was appointed Supreme Commander of the Syndicate Guards in the aftermath of the civil war and, as we saw, was heavily involved in the war with Mexico. There was a delicate balancing act involved. On one hand, the Army had more or less couped President Hoover. On the other hand, if the unions and syndicates had their own armed forces acting in concert, like the state militias of decades past, then there would be a potential for the nation to be torn apart again, if for instance, a Totalist faction were to battle the unions. Marshall and Reed sought to establish a military that acted as a unifying force, and also to tie it into the fabric of the new society.

smeehan: This is when the Syndicate Guards was officially renamed as the American Red Army, even though both names were used interchangeably throughout the period. Marshall embarked on a program of professionalizing the militias and modernizing the army. The Detroit syndicates were put to work producing trucks for new motorized divisions and the former Marine Corps was reconstituted as the Revolutionary Marines and greatly expanded. The structure of the military meant that divisions from the civil war kept their official histories such as being from whichever syndicate and city they were raised from, but reinforcements and replacements were sent on a random basis, so that Americans from different regions served alongside one another.

smeehan: That covers a lot of what happened in the Combined Syndicates but this class is about North America so lets take a second to talk about Mexico. Mexico had been a founding member of the Internationale, even if it had been gunshy in terms of acceding to the military aspects. With the restoration of socialist government, the French accepted Mexico into their Phalanstere Internationale project, along with states like Bolivia, the Bhartiya Commune, the Transcaucasian Republic and Centroamerica.

smeehan: The American public was tied into foreign affairs in a way that they had never been in the past. The revolution was going to live or die based on the global power struggle between the Internationale and the capitalist establishment, and thus events like the failure of the syndicalists in the Brazilian Civil War were felt in North America.

smeehan: Perhaps even more important was the return of American volunteers from Russia, where the Soviets had failed for a second time to overthrow the Whites. Even though the syndicalist world was disappointed not to have another syndicalist great power to threaten Mitteleuropa, many were secretly relieved to see Totalists discredited.

smeehan: And what really galvanized the American public was the attempt on the life of Norman Thomas in 1938. Thomas was a hugely popular figure throughout the nation, mostly due to his ardent and successful defense of religious freedom. The gunman was found to have snuck across Long Island Sound from Connecticut in order to make the attempt while Thomas was touring an airplane plant there.
kwilkins: Seversky represent!
jmurphy: Wait did that happen where you work?
kwilkins: Oh yeah, the bullet holes are still there.

smeehan: The details of how the Entente was involved in the attempt scandalized the public and triggered calls for war. When combined with the rapid and public militarization of the Pacific States, a growing majority of the public was fully behind the Combined Syndicates and the Internationale by the time 1939 came around. Alright, that's all we have time for, I will send all of you four supplemental readings about the world at large. Please read and understand them and message me if you have questions. Have a good night.
*session ended*

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Seven: The Sick Old Men (1938)

From: [email protected]
Subject: Supplemental Readings

Please read the following four readings in preparation for our next class.

4 Attachments

File 1: ottomans.pdf downloading...
Done!

The Ottoman Empire in the years before the First Great War was known as the sick old man of Europe. By 1938, that moniker was even more popular. The economy lacked modern industry and the standard of living suffered as a result. Railway networks were not nearly as dense as elsewhere in Europe, and the Ottoman military was obsolete and more suited to occupying outposts and putting down tribal revolts than fighting a real war. Nonetheless, the Empire was so dependent on Germany for currency, technology and arms that they would have to prepare for what seemed like an inevitable clash between the Internationale and Mitteleuropa. The attempted military buildup further strained the Empire, especially in combination with some of the other troubles it was facing.

Among these was a full fledged Kurd revolt. Kurdistan straddled the crucial crossroads between Armenia, Syria and Iraq, and the Ottomans could ill afford to have a free Kurdistan in its midst.

Albania had been the Ottomans last area of influence in Europe beyond Thrace. The principality had long been under the suzerainty of the Sublime Porte and had been an important part of the Empire for centuries, providing the famous Köprülü Frand Vizier dynasty. Even this long history could not stand up in the face of the Ottoman troubles. A nationalist who took the name Zog led a coup to remove the German-born Turkish-supported prince and put Zog on the throne as King of Albania.

Albania paid a price for its independence. Without the protection of the Ottoman Empire, Albania was powerless to resist when Serbia claimed Kosovo.

Not to be left out, the Greeks also moved to occupy Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. The tiny kingdom could not do anything about the landgrabs.

Despite Albania's troubles, Ottoman client states everywhere took notice. The Omani Sultanate, which had fallen under Ottoman sway since the demise of the British Empire, unilaterally abrogated their unfavorable treaty with the Empire.

Surprisingly, the Egypt-led Arab bloc did not strike the Ottoman Empire to make good on their claims laid out at the Arab Congress.

The distant Tripolitania was next, fearing little from what seemed a distant master now.

The emirate changed its name to Libya and evicted all Turkish administrators. Egypt was eager to fill the void for a fellow Arab state, expanding the Arab bloc to three members.

Armenia seized upon the chaos to declare their own independence, confident that their fortified mountain capital could hold against the Ottomans better than the Kurds.

Their situation was made somewhat less tenable by the decision of the Transcaucasian Socialist Republic to attempt and seize the state while the Ottomans were unable to respond.

The Ottomans were forced to concede that the crises of 1938 had resulted in permanent losses. The Sublime Porte recognized Zog as the ruler of Albania first and later would recognize the actions of Oman and the now Libya as well. They did not, however, recognize the Armenians and would continue a hard fought mountain war with that nation for years. The loss of virtually all Ottoman influence beyond its own borders was a severe trauma to what national pride remained for the Ottoman Empire. 1938's aftereffects would ripple through the Empire for the rest of its existence, interfering with their ability to fight the Internationale down the road. The Ottoman Empire may not have been officially abolished until the 1940s but it was effectively dead by the end of 1938.

File 2: germany1938.pdf downloading...
Done!

Before war ever broke out, it was beginning to become clear that there were serious cracks in the German Empire. Germany had attempted to assume an imperial position across the world once held by Great Britain while also assuming a Continental dominance at the expense of Russia mainly. The economic difficulties of the 1930s and the ever more aggressive stance of the Internationale began to create visible cracks in the German armor, especially in 1938.

The incident which caused the most alarm within Germany itself was the advent of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1938. Nikita Khrushchev, a peasant who had clawed his way into Ukrainian politics, had gained the favor of the lion's share of the population through his fiery socialist rhetoric. When the King announced a new trade deal that would increase grain exports to Germany in the midst of shortages in the domestic market, the populace exploded in anger and demanded the abdication of the King, which they got. Khrushchev peacefully established a new SSR within the former kingdom, while also ending ties with Germany. The German Empire did not respond publicly, their stance being that since Ukraine had rejected closer ties with France or the Combined Syndicates, they did not represent a threat.

The Germans were saved considerable trouble by conservative nationalist factions within the nation. Khrushchev was forced into exile in Paris. The military leaders kept the regalia of the republic, reaffirmed the end of the unpopular monarchy and announced elections to be held with candidates approved by the military (and tacitly by Germany). Still, Mitteleuropa had been shaken by Germany's lack of public response to one of its own breaking rank. The population of the member states also noted that an Eastern European had thrown off the shackles of Germany and not invoked her wrath.

Germany did lose a considerable amount of prestige in European affairs after that incident and when Sweden protested at the Lapua regime's repression of their kindred in Åland, the Germans were not invited to the discussions between Sweden and Finland.

Germany's embarrassment had knock-on effects in the Balkans, where the Balkan League sensed the opportunity to strike at a German-friendly state in Bulgaria. Neither Germany nor the Ottoman Empire had much effective protest to offer.

The troubles were not confined to Europe. The economic issues of the thirties had strained Germany's abilities to protect its sprawling colonial empire. Thus when the wealthy princes of India requested to purchase Ceylon for a hefty sum, the Germans agreed and moved their naval station to the Maldive islands.

Perhaps the most stunning and embarrassing turn for the German Empire occurred in Indochina, the former French possession that represented the jewel of Germany's Asian possessions. The Bhartiya Commune had created an intricate and effective arms smuggling route through Burma and Thailand and armed the Viet Minh, a coalition of pro-independence forces dominated by the syndicalist faction of the charismatic Ho Chi Minh.

After a brief and bloody war that ended with a hurried evacuation of German settlers and military to nearby Hainan island, the Germans gave up the conflict, unwilling to commit the men necessary to hold onto the territory in face of a total revolt. The optics of Germany being outplayed by a second-rate power in Bengal was too much and led to the collapse of the SPD government, which would be replaced by the conservatives in a new election. The conservatives had no plan to get Indochina back either. It was clear to the world that Germany was no longer able to effectively execute the responsibilities of its position as the preeminent capitalist imperial power in the world.

File 3: qing.pdf downloading...
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The Qing Empire in 1938 was beginning to feel the effects of independence from Germany for the first time. Germany's troubles had led to the usual tight grip of Germany on Qing foreign policy loosening, with tremendous consequences for the Qing Empire and China at large.

After years of inconclusive conflict between the AOG and the Shangqing rebels, the Qing Empire and the National Protection Alliance based in Yunnan province joined forces to put an end to the millenarian revolt once and for all.

The two partners split the territory of the rebels more or less evenly between them, with the AOG gaining a small sliver of territory for its troubles.

More importantly, the destruction of the rebels signaled a return to prominence for the Qing Empire. The Qing were finally able to claim total control over part of China, even if it was only the parts between Japanese Manchuria and the German AOG territories. Nonetheless, the stability of the Qing Empire in an increasingly unstable world led to their meteoric rise to Great Powerhood.

The Qing Emperor boldly demanded the total integration of the AOG territories into the Qing Empire, something that had been off the table when the Germans were in control. Doing so doubled the size of the Empire and brought considerable industry, resources and manpower under the control of Pu Yi.

With the Legation powers in varying levels of turmoil and distraction, the Qing Empire also successfully established its precedence in the coastal trade ports.

Pu Yi, with the new resources of the south, took on the Mad Baron Sternberg in Mongolia, seeking to remove a wildly unpredictable threat to regional stability.

Even though the republican faction based in Yunnan claimed sovereignty over the whole of China, the Qing Empire had established a period of stability in China, in a country that had known little and in a time where there was not much to be found. Pu Yi's gains in 1938 laid the foundation for what would become a formidable enemy for the Internationale in future years.

File 4: colonies.pdf downloading...
Done!

The collapse of the French and British colonial empires had left a void so large that many theorized that the remaining European empires could not effectively fill it, and thus usher in a new era of independence across the world. In some places, they were right but in many, colonialism persisted for decades longer. It wasn't until the late 1930s that the agitation of the Internationale, economic pressures and nationalist unrest took their toll and began to do serious damage to what was left of the colonialist system.

The colonial powers cared about the opinion of the Internationale to varying degrees, ranging from not at all in the case of Germany to considerably in the case of the Netherlands. The Netherlands were ruled by a social democrat coalition that was considerably to the left of their co-ideologues in other capitalist states. They depended on the French for arms and trade. The continued colonial domination of Indonesia by the Netherlands was a sticking point in their friendly relations, which was one of many factors cited when the Dutch government elected to grant wide-ranging powers to the Indonesian people, including the ability to elect their own government and manage their own internal affairs, though foreign and military affairs remained the domain of the Dutch. The French were never truly satisfied by this arrangement, but it was seen as a positive step.

The Internationale attempted to make their presence felt mainly against hostile states. Burma had been a close ally of Germany ever since it gained its independence and the Internationale tried mightily to foster socialist revolution via Bengal. The Burmese regime proved more durable than expected and the socialist rebels moved into exile in the Bhartiya Commune.

While Germany's waning influence was opening up opportunities for the Internationale and independent states in Asia, the destruction of the United States of America in civil war left a massive void in the Americas comparable to the one left elsewhere by Britain. Without the enforcing presence of the United States, Haiti was not satisfied with merely defeating their Dominican rivals in the field, but destroying the Republic and establishing control over the whole of Hispaniola.

While the French and British Empires had been effectively destroyed, their remnants carried on as best they could. The French exile government in Algiers administered a wide swath of France's former colonies in West Africa, including unruly Tuareg territories that rejected French control.

In the summer of 1938, an incident with a French military caravan triggered a massive invasion of French lands by the Tuaregs.

The distraction triggered a Guinean nationalist to declare the south of the French Empire to be free as well, leaving Algiers with two major revolts to deal with at once.

The Tuaregs seemed to fade back into the desert as quickly as they had roared out, having pillaged vast swathes of territory and killed untold settlers. The French, still dealing with African nationalists in the south, were more than willing to let the Tuaregs get away.

The British Empire lived on in the form of Canada, which attempted to keep the band together so to speak. When the Republic of South Africa began to approach Canada about rejoining the Entente after its departure decades earlier, the Canadians jumped on the chance to expand their alliance.

The Entente had expanded to include all of the former dominions and various remnants of the United States. While it was not taken seriously as Mitteleuropa and the Internationale were, it was still a force that made its presence felt, particularly to the socialist government in Chicago.

It was exactly the question of that socialist government in Chicago that triggered South Africa to renege on their agreement to rejoin the Entente. The South Africans were interested in covert operations against the Mittelafrikans but the Canadians were understandably completely enveloped in trying to deal with the ascendant syndicalists in America. Their strategic concerns did not align and so the deal broke down.

Not even Denmark was spared the wave of nationalist sentiment, with one of their few colonies achieving independence after centuries of Danish domination. Iceland was independent once again and occupied a crucial position in the sea lanes between the competing Royalist and Republican factions of Canada and Britain.

Truly, in every corner of the globe, colonialism was beginning to disintegrate as a system. The rise of syndicalism in three major powers already had left voids not only in the political climate of the colonies but in the global capitalist economy. Germany had a great deal to panic about with anti-colonialists gaining traction everywhere, but even more to panic about in terms of the deep and serious issues of their economy.

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Eight: The Organization of American Syndicates (February-September 1939)

The alliance and relations boost with Centroamerica was edited into the event. Because the Commune of France is our alliance leader, we have zero control over who is in our alliance, unless we release them as a puppet. Centroamerica has just as much to gain from the demise of the Entente as we do, so an alliance makes perfect sense.

IN THE NAME OF THEIR PEOPLES, THE STATES AND NON-STATE REPRESENTATIVES PRESENT AT THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN SYNDICATES,

RESOLVED to persevere in the noble undertaking that the workers have conferred upon the Internationale, whose principles and purposes they solemnly reaffirm;
Convinced that the cancerous influence of capitalism and imperialism is a critical threat to a security and peace founded on moral order and social justice; and In accordance with the Final Act of the Second Congress of the Syndicalist Internationale, held in Paris,

HEREBY DECLARE THE FOLLOWING:

Our Totalist label is temporary, we switch back to Syndicalist shortly afterwards.

I.

ON CENTROAMERICA AND ITS RIGHTFUL TERRITORY;

The Union of Centroamerican Syndicates (hereafter known as CENTROAMERICA) has sole legitimate authority to administer the territories south of the United Mexican States (hereafter known as MEXICO) and north of the Republic of Colombia (hereafter known as COLOMBIA), except as defined in article XII.

II.

ON THE ADMINISTRATION OF PANAMA;

The accession of Panama into Centroamerica was done through legitimate democratic means and ought be recognized by any just nation.

III.

ON THE HONDURAN JUNTA;

The authority of the Honduran regime is illegitimate. The Combined Syndicates of America officially apologize for the actions of the former United States with regards to these republics and agree to lend to Centroamerica all necessary assistance in establishing legitimate socialist government in the territory occupied by Honduras.

IV.

ON AMERICAN MILITARY FORCE;

Centroamerica authorizes the use of military force by the Combined Syndicates of America within its territory, as defined in Article I.

V.

ON TECHNOLOGICAL ASSISTANCE;

The Combined Syndicates of America agrees to lend technological assistance to Centroamerica, so that the armed forces of that state may be prepared to defend its sovereignty.

VI.

ON THE UNITED PROVINCES AND HONDURAS;

The signatories do not recognize the authority of the United Provinces of Central America in the matter of Honduran administration.

VII.

ON THE STATUS OF SYNDICATES IN CENTRAL AMERICA;

Syndicates within the territory of Honduras will be afforded the same rights and assigned the same responsibilities as the syndicates currently administered by the signatories of these accords.

VIII.

ON THE RESTORATION OF RIGHTFUL SOCIALIST GOVERNMENT IN CENTRAL AMERICA;

The signatories will lend Centroamerica all necessary assistance to contain and eliminate the United Provinces of Central America, at such a time as is deemed possible.

IX.

ON SECRECY;

The terms of Articles IV through VIII are to be kept secret until such a time as Centroamerica authorizes their declassification.

X.

ON THE REVOLUTIONARY MARINES;

The Revolutionary Marines of the Combined Syndicates of America are authorized to use the ports and facilities of Centroamerica until January 1st, 1950 or until requested to vacate by the government of Centroamerica, whichever comes first.

XI.

ON INTERNATIONALE FACILITY SHARING;

Any and all members of the Internationale may use the military facilities of the signatories with prior permission of the sovereign government responsible for the facility.

XII.

ON THE PANAMA CANAL AND THE ILLEGAL OCCUPATION THEREOF;

The signatories reaffirm that the Combined Syndicates are the rightful and sovereign owner of the Panama Canal, as the legal successor to the United States of America. The occupation of the canal by the Canadian government is illegal.

XIIa.

The Combined Syndicates of America pledge to transfer control of the canal to Centroamerica as soon as the Canadian occupation is ended.

XIII.

ON COLLECTIVE SECURITY;

The Organization of American Syndicates shall be chartered in San Juan, Puerto Rico, as an associate organization of the Syndicalist Internationale, for the purposes of mediation and cooperation among the socialist states of the Americas.

XIIIa.

An attack on one signatory shall be regarded as an attack on all.

XIIIb.

The signatories shall endeavor to more effectively defend against imperialist aggression through integration of their armed forces.

XIIIc.

The signatories agree to mediate disputes through peaceful and brotherly means.

XIIId.

Any signatory that has not achieved control of its sovereign territories, as defined by the Organization of American Syndicates, shall be exempt from Article XIIIa and XIIIb.

XIV.

ON ASSOCIATE MEMBERSHIP;

The associate signatories of these accords shall be bound by all articles except XIIIb.

XIVa.

Any and all prospective signatories that do not reside on the continents of North or South America shall be restricted to associate membership.

XV.

ON THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAS;

No imperial or capitalist power shall be tolerated in the Americas. Any and all necessary measures are authorized if they further the aims and spirit of these accords, as affirmed by the Assembly of the Americas of the Organization of American Syndicates.

XVI.

ON TRANSLATION OF THIS AGREEMENT;

The text of this agreement shall be made available in English, Spanish and French, which shall also be regarded as the official languages of the Organization of American Syndicates.

SIGNED,

FOR THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES,

Vincente Lombardo Toledano, President
Pancho Villa, Field Marshal

FOR THE UNION OF CENTROAMERICAN SYNDICATES,

Romualdo Jimenez Oreamurio, President
Francisco Javier Arana, General Secretary

FOR THE COMBINED SYNDICATES OF AMERICA,

John Reed, Chairman of the Central Committee
Paul Mattick, General Secretary of the Continental Chamber
George Marshall, Supreme Commander of the American Red Army

FOR THE REPUBLIC OF PUERTO RICO,

Jesús T. Piñero, President

FOR THE CANADIAN TRADE UNION CONGRESS,

Timothy Buck, General Secretary

FOR THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF QUEBEC,

David Côté, General Secretary

FOR THE FEDERATION OF COMMUNES OF FRANCE, AS AN ASSOCIATE SIGNATORY,

Sébastien Faure, Chairman of the General Labor Council
Daniel Guerin, Chairman of the Committee of Public Safety

FOR THE UNION OF BRITAIN, AS AN ASSOCIATE SIGNATORY,

Niclas y Glais, General Secretary of the Trade Union Congress
Tom Mann, Chairman of the Trade Union Congress

FOR THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ITALY, AS AN ASSOCIATE SIGNATORY,

Palmiro Togliatti, President of the Socialist Republic of Italy
Antonio Gramsci, Chairman of the House of Commons

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

Chapter Nine: None Like The First (August 1939-June 1940)

Boston Globe headlines, July 4th, 1940

Fourth of July Celebrations Cancelled

Coup in Liberia, Napoleon 'Unconcerned'

Aggressive Turkestan Absorbs Kazakhs, Persia 'Next'

Conflict on the Subcontinent, Delhi 'Neutral'

Italo-Austrian Peace Transfers Venetia and Trento to Italy

Bulgarian Counterattack Threatens Sarajevo

Romanians Not Making Expected Progress

Anschluss Question Debated In Berlin, No Consensus So Far

P-L Commonwealth Leaves Mitteleuropa Over Issue of Ukrainian Minority

--------

From a manuscript for an unpublished memoir, author unknown.

Part Two: Nantucket

The riots in Boston had changed everything in the old neighborhood. When the Royal Army arrived and put it down, those of us that survived with our lives and our freedom lost all zest for the revolution. There was heartening news leaking in from the rest of the nation, but we had failed and we moped around the city, cut off from news of the glorious revolution playing out in Chicago.

I personally had managed to avoid being flagged as a syndicalist by wearing a mask during the disturbances. This was born not out of some incredible foresight and planning, but rather as an instinctual measure so that nobody in the neighborhood would recognize me and tell my mother what I was up to. A clear sign that I was not nearly mature enough to be involved in the things I had involved myself in, but civil war has a way of making the young old very quickly.

After a few months of watching Boston decay, my mother elected to take up my aunt on her offer of taking us into her home on Nantucket. We packed up and left without much fanfare, barely telling anybody where we were headed. I only managed to take some clothes, a few of my Marxist books and a pendant of a gear cast in bronze given to me by an old veteran of the IWW years prior. Nantucket felt like a world away from Boston. The unrest had not touched the island and on Nantucket, you could almost pretend that everything was okay.

It was also astonishingly lonely for me on Nantucket. I pretty much had the run of Boston and made friends with dozens of syndicalists and labor agitators, before they all went underground after the occupation. Nantucket was far more well to do, conservative and proper. My mother did not know of my sympathies, and I dared not tell her, as she would kill herself with worry if she did. This left me with not a soul to speak to about my politics, and I found myself attempting to suppress my passion for the revolution in order to find contentment on Nantucket.

Luckily after a miserable year on the island, lightning struck and I found exactly the person I needed. She had been sitting up against a tree near a secluded beach where I often went to look south and dream of a life as a union man in the Combined Syndicates. As soon as she noticed I was near, she slammed her book shut and sat on it. She was too late though and I had already seen that it was Out of the Dark by Helen Keller. I introduced myself to her, her name being Edith and when I quoted a passage from the book, she immediately relaxed and removed the book from its hiding place.

We spoke for hours about syndicalism, the civil war, feminism, the Internationale, the bits and pieces of news that filtered through to us in this forsaken island so far from the titanic struggles of civilization. It was as if both of us had opened a valve and let out a massive amount of steam. I had been without a co-ideologue for over a year, she had been without one for about four. Over the months that followed, I got to know Edith much better, as we fit personal and candid conversation into our discussions on syndicalist theory. I had found a friend, and none too soon.

I was with Edith, hiding away in a small shack that I had stashed an old radio in, when we heard the horrible news. The Combined Syndicates had chartered a new radio station in Montauk called Radio Free New England, and it was like a gift from the heavens for us isolated and dejected New English syndicalists. The news came in after an hour long discussion program, from which we heard what Sartre, Mosley, Browder and Gramsci had said and reveled in the successes of the Combined Syndicates in Central America.

A foreman for a fishermans shop and a professor from Columbia were arguing the merits of Totalism when the feed suddenly cut to a poorly recorded playing of the Internationale, which gave way to a familiar host, who sounded more exhausted than we'd ever heard him.

"It is my awful and horrible duty to report that our hero and comrade Jack Reed passed away last night. The light of our revolution has gone out and it is our solemn responsibility to relight that flame at any cost. In honor of our late Chairman, we will play a recording of his first speech to the Continental Chamber."

I shut the radio off and locked eyes with Edith. We had idly chatted about how we wished to either wait here until the Combined Syndicates to liberate New England or escape to Long Island and start a new life in a more just and less stifling society. Reed's death was sure to cause turmoil in Chicago, and we felt that there was no hope of the Red Army coming in the midst of change. Neither of us said it but we also had our doubts on if the revolution could survive Reed's death.

There was nothing to do at that point but to adapt to our current life on Nantucket. It was miserable to sit on that island while so much change was effected elsewhere, but we were far from danger and that was at least something to be happy about. After a few months, Edith invited me to dinner with her family, feeling like it was appropriate to do so after such a long friendship. I was familiar with her father, as he was a common subject of her venting.

He was a conservative preacher who had sympathized with Charles Coughlin and the Union State. He did not miss a single opportunity to put down syndicalists and wish death upon Reed, a wish he had gotten apparently. Obviously I had to avoid politics while speaking with him.

This proved difficult to do since politics had dominated my life for three years at that point. I couldn't even fall back on my limited knowledge of sports, as baseball and football had been mostly suspended in New England since the war.

So I sat in the parlor next to Edith, the both of us nodding politely and giving hollow affirmation to anything her father said. It was the most awkward and torturous experience of my life, including when I was interrogated in broken English by a foul smelling Spaniard in Tangier.

"So they're replacing that devil Reed with some other godless swine. Benjamin Gitlow is his name. Never heard of him, bet he's a sodomite." he railed.

"I have not heard of him either." I said, truthfully.

"And some other guy replaced that Mattick. Carlo Tresca is his name."

"Oh yes, Tresca is a union man from New York City."

Edith's slightly alarmed expression alerted me that I had accidentally tipped my hand. Edith's father seemed to briefly consider why this apparently clueless boy suddenly knew about syndicalists.

"He's a rotten one, that Tresca." I added, with a measure of false enthusiasm.

That seemed to be good enough for him and we moved on. I did eventually recall a few mentions of Gitlow on the radio. He was a nondescript figure as far as syndicalists went, which led me to believe that he was probably a compromise candidate that didn't threaten anybody too much. A better sign than a Totalist to be sure.

As Edith's father prattled on about Jews and Negroes, Edith's mother eventually became embarrassed by how drunk he had gotten and decided to take control of the conversation.

"Tell me more about this Tresca fellow." she asked me.

She didn't care one bit about Tresca, I knew, and was merely trying to stop the horror show playing out in front of all three of us. Still it was an awkward request, since I did not want to let on that I knew almost everything about the Italian-American labor organizer.

"Well, he is popular with the unions is what I hear. Better him than a Totalist, I suppose!"

Edith's father grunted his reluctant agreement.

"Lesser of two evils, I agree."

Finally, he dozed off in his rocking chair and after some polite small talk with Edith's mother, I was able to excuse myself. Edith immediately said that she would make sure I got home okay, an odd request in such a genteel and traditional setting. Edith's mother was so exhausted from the night that she didn't bat an eye at it and wished us good night.

It was a beautiful night, and the moon and stars shone brightly through grey clouds. I lived only a few miles from Edith's home but we took a long and leisurely route nonetheless. Neither of us was in a rush to be away from each other. Without even discussing it, our feet managed to carry us to the secluded beach where we met. We sat close to each other on the beach and watched the waves come in.

"Do you think we'll ever get out of here?" she said to me after a minute of silence.
"Yes, I know we will." I replied, trying to be reassuring.
"I hope you're right."

I put my arm around her shoulder and said nothing else as she rested her head on mine. After twenty minutes of blissful silence, she finally stated that she ought to get back home. This was when I decided I had one chance to do what I'd wanted to for months. I put my hand on her face and began to slowly move in for the kiss when...

BAM!

The sound of splintering wood shook both of us out of our moment. In the distance, it was easy enough to see two silhouettes climbing out of a shattered boat. This was not an uncommon occurrence in Nantucket, given its maritime history.

"Do you think they need help?" Edith asked me.
"Yes, probably so."

I took her hand in mine and walked in the direction of the boat, squinting to see if I could ascertain the condition of the two men. Suddenly the clouds broke and the bright moonlight shone through and I saw something which made me freeze in my tracks.

The two men were armed, and with large weapons. One was a black man, the other white, and they were arguing about their boat.

"Merde! So much for your stealth insertion!" the white one exclaimed in a thick French accent.
"Will you keep your voice down, you stupid prick?!" the black one replied, not so quietly himself.

I grabbed a hold of Edith and hit the ground, trying to make ourselves invisible while we figured out exactly what was going on. Edith elbowed me in the ribs and stared at me in horror with her mouth open. She was about to sneeze. It came out before I could think of what to do and it was loud.

"Shit."

The two men immediately stopped what they were doing and began to walk in our direction. If we ran for it, they could gun us down in an instant. Our only hope was to stay put and hope they would either not see us or have mercy on us.

The black one saw us first.

"What the hell? Get up, whoever you are."

I helped Edith up and then put my hands in the air, trying to think of something to say that wouldn't get us killed.

The Frenchman walked over and immediately went up to Edith.

"Mademoiselle." he said before taking her hand and kissing it like a gentleman from a motion picture.

Her face, which had been paper white with fear, immediately turned a gorgeous shade of red typically reserved for when I paid her a particularly kind compliment.

Oh great, I remember thinking to myself, I'm two seconds away from sealing the deal with the love of my life and a suave Frenchman crawls out of the Atlantic.

My internal griping about my romantic misfortune was rudely interrupted by the black man poking me in the ribs with his submachine gun.

"Albert, will you relax? These two are just lovers out for a nighttime stroll."

Now I was blushing too.

"Pierre, mistrust kept me alive in Chattanooga, we need to know these two aren't enemies before we let them go."

Albert, as was apparently his name, looked me over with a disapproving stare, searching for a sign of my loyalties while my unsatisfying life flashed before my eyes. Suddenly his face softened and he lowered his submachine gun. He had my gear pendant in his hand. He broke into a smile and bearhugged me so hard I felt like my back was going to break.

"Comrade!"

Chief Savage Man · Apr 14, 2017

I've been forgetting to update for a while so have MANY AT ONCE

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Ten: War Plan Red (Early July 1940)

Organizer of Victory

A Biographical Miniseries

WORK IN PROGRESS

Shot of Hall of the People, Chicago. Cut to an ornate conference room with a long mahogany table at its center. The walls are adorned with flags of various syndicates and columns, a flag with the profile of Abraham Lincoln in one corner, one with Benjamin Franklin in another, the CSA flag at the end of the room. Scene opens with the ministers sitting around the table. GITLOW is at the head of the table, MARSHALL at his right side, TRESCA at his left, KELLER, her INTERPRETER, OLSON and THOMAS are seated elsewhere. Other non-speaking ministers fill out the table.

KELLER communicates through her INTERPRETER.

INTERPRETER: The lynchings have subsided to an extent but there are still fundamental concerns that the police forces are ignoring the problem. I would recommend that we identify the biggest problem areas and get our own people in the police departments. Some high profile murder trials should get the message across.

GITLOW sits slouched in his chair, twirling a pencil in his hand and staring down at the table.

GITLOW: That sounds good, Helen, whatever resources you need you'll have. Harry wanted to speak with you about this as well, I'll set up a meeting.

INTERPRETER: Thank you, Chairman.

TRESCA: I don't mean to minimize the lynchings but if we could get on to the New England situation I would appreciate it.

MARSHALL and THOMAS seem to perk up at the mention of New England.

GITLOW: Yes, I agree, that is our most pressing concern right now. Floyd, has the Entente responded?

OLSON rifles through his mess of paperwork and pulls out one piece of paper.

OLSON: Yes, they have. About what we expected, indignation and not much else. Here, if you'd like to read it.

OLSON passes the paper down the table towards GITLOW, who picks it up and squints to read it.

GITLOW: Well, that's hardly polite.

OLSON: No, I think we can safely assume that we've gotten the King and the Governors' Council riled up beyond the point of no return.

GITLOW studies the paper for a second before passing it back to OLSON. He clears his throat.

GITLOW: Norman, do you have the latest force estimates?

THOMAS is impeccably organized and finds the document he is looking for almost instantly.

THOMAS: Yes, I have it right here. Would you like it?

GITLOW: Go ahead and read it to everybody.

THOMAS puts on his glasses and prepares to read. Scene cuts to a Red Army camp, a multiracial group of men sitting around laughing waiting in line at the quartermaster's office. A truck runs in the background.

THOMAS (v.o.): For the sake of reference, here are the latest figures of our own strength. Obviously, these figures are completely accurate. The American Red Army consists of seventy eight divisions, approximately a million men altogether. Of these seventy eight divisions, nine are non-combatant police units, the Revolutionary Marines comprise six divisions, and twelve have been motorized to the standard set forth by General Marshall. The remainder are foot infantry, with an adequate distribution of artillery among all parts of the force.

TRESCA (v.o.): What do our allies bring to the table?

Scene cuts to a heavily fortified bunker, a French soldier mans a machine gun while another peers through binoculars at their German counterparts.

THOMAS (v.o.): The French and Italians have one hundred and fifty divisions between them.

Scene cuts back to the conference room.

OLSON (interjecting): They've made it quite clear that they will not be able to send us ground forces to assist in the fight, in case the Germans decide to act. Naval and air support will depend on the circumstances.

GITLOW grimaces. Scene cuts to an army camp, an American and a Frenchman oversee drills of Mexican soldiers.

THOMAS (v.o.): Mexico has established seven infantry divisions, all to our standards. The Centroamericans have been fairly lax with the OAS standard, only two of their nine divisions measure up. And finally Puerto Rico has one division of cavalry and a small national guard.

Scene cuts to an airfield, the red and black flying atop the control tower. A twin engine bomber is taxiing out of its hangar while a fighter plane takes off.

THOMAS: In the air, we have seventeen air wings, six interceptor units, two multi-role fighter wings, eight wings of twin engine medium bombers and one wing of quad engine strategic bombers. If the French do decide to assist us, we may have some of their twenty six air wings.

Scene cuts to New York Harbor, the CSS New York slowly steams out of port while blaring its horn to the waving crowds on shore.

THOMAS: And on the ocean, we have twelve battleships, one carrier, nine heavy cruisers, two light cruisers, thirteen destroyer groups and enough transport ships for one hundred and twenty thousand men. This force composition is similar to the French fleet, though they also have a sizable submarine fleet.

Scene cuts to Ottawa, the King in Canada and his own advisors contemplate their own map.

MARSHALL: How does this compare to the enemy?

THOMAS: The Royal Army based off our best estimates can field twenty eight divisions, though we aren't quite sure exactly what types of divisions they are. We're confident that there is not a significant amount of armor. Their air force consists of mainly bombers and only a handful of fighters. We are at a disadvantage in terms of fleet strength, unless the French were to assist us with most of their fleet. While their six carriers are a bit out of date, they would still be quite effective against our own battleships.

MARSHALL: I wouldn't be worried about the naval aspect, we do not have any critical supply lines from overseas to deal with and the Royal Navy's ability to intervene in our land battles will be limited.

Scene cuts to the office of Joe Kennedy, who is speaking to dignitaries, one in British military regalia and an Indian in Sikh regalia.

THOMAS: The New English have militarized considerably since their independence, now fielding sixteen divisions and six wings of aircraft, mainly fighters. They are clearly operating with a defensive mindset, hoping to hold the line in New York instead of taking the fight into our own territory.

Scene cuts to show the Golden Gate Bridge, with a Japanese cruiser steaming underneath it.

THOMAS: On the other hand, the Pacific States have taken a more independent route, seeing themselves as a partner of the Canadians instead of a subject. They can field twenty four divisions, ten air wings, split roughly fifty-fifty between bombers and fighters, and they have a decent fleet with three capital ships. Nothing that could compete with our own fleet but if our fleet is neutralized by the Canadians, they could get up to some mischief.

Scene cuts to a Havana bar. Huey Long converses with a Cuban military officer over rum.

THOMAS: And for the sake of completion, we have some information on Cuba. Nothing much to report, five obsolete infantry divisions and a small air force and navy. It's unclear if they have the capability to transport any of their infantry to the mainland. Beyond that, we could not find much credible intelligence regarding the Australasian or Imperial French armies. They could be a wild card if they are able to operate their forces over a long distance.

Scene cuts back to conference room. THOMAS puts away his list of information and the people at the table appear to break out of a stupor.

GITLOW: So if my math skills haven't deteriorated too much, I believe that we're talking about a more or less even strength engagement in terms of land forces.

THOMAS: Roughly, yes.

GITLOW contemplates the table in front of him again for a moment.

GITLOW: That'll be all, comrades. I'll make sure all of you get the relevant information about the Entente situation once I have it.

The table rises and gathers their things.

GITLOW: George, could you stay a moment? I'd like to speak with you.

MARSHALL sits back down as the room clears. KELLER takes a minute longer than the rest of the ministers.

GITLOW: George, how the hell do you do it?

MARSHALL: Do what, Chairman?

GITLOW: Run the Benjamin Franklin Corps. With the French and the unions and the anarchists and the Totalists and the blacks, how do you get everybody on board?

MARSHALL (after a thoughtful pause): Well... when one of my officers has something to say to me, I try to either incorporate their feedback if I find it worthwhile and let them know so, or if it is not worthwhile, I find a way to reject it while finding a positive aspect to compliment them on. My goal is to have everybody walk away feeling like they belong in the room, whether they have solved a major problem or caused one.

GITLOW considers his words and rubs his eyes, slouching even more in his chair.

GITLOW: I wish I had your talent for it, George. I'm not an idiot, I know why I'm here. I was close with Jack and nobody feels threatened by me. I feel like all I do is just tell people more talented than I what to do.

MARSHALL: I don't think you give yourself enough credit. The first leader will be the one most remembered but it is the second leader who has the more uncertain and difficult task. We all knew that the nation would hold together so long as Reed was there to inspire it. But now he's gone, and you're here, and you are wise enough to know that you are not Jack Reed. Now it is a test of if what we built can endure on its own, without the extraordinary influence of a particular individual. Washington may be who we remember, but Adams and Jefferson managed to keep the nation running in one piece. And we may extol the conquests of Alexander, but how long did his empire last after his death? Not very long.

GITLOW: I just sit here and worry that somebody will come and throw me out of here and break down the whole revolution. And I have Tresca telling me that we ought to start the war soon to keep everybody on the same side. It just seems so awfully callous, doesn't it?

MARSHALL: Do you think we can peacefully co-exist with the Canadians?

GITLOW: No.

MARSHALL: Then it is not callous to strike first. It is strategically vital to do so, especially if our domestic stability depends on the decision.

GITLOW sits silently listening to MARSHALL's words.

GITLOW: I suppose you're right. All I can do is try and shepard this thing.

MARSHALL: I think you're more capable than you realize.

GITLOW: Well, George, I didn't ask you here just to listen to my rumination, I'd like you to explain to me exactly how this operation is going to work.

MARSHALL takes a second to organize his papers and clear off the large map of North America in the center of the table.

MARSHALL: Well, it'll start once the New English officially reject our demands. We'll deliver the declaration when dawn breaks over California.

GITLOW: Why wait until then?

MARSHALL: We are dealing with a front of over five thousand miles across five time zones, if we attacked in New York at dawn, the Pacific States would have three hours before dawn to prepare for us then. We'll have to make due with a shorter operating window in the east in order to achieve surprise in the west.

MARSHALL moves to the map while GITLOW stands to look over his shoulder.

MARSHALL: My staff has divided the planning into two general areas, a plan for the Pacific and a plan for the Northeast.

MARSHALL: The Northeast attack will take place mainly along the border with New England, as well as towards Winnipeg from the Midwest. Our motorized units will assault north along the Hudson River Valley. Our hope is that their mobility will allow us to encircle New English forces in the Niagara region. A breakthrough would also allow us to threaten Boston and the St. Lawrence River Valley while infantry holds the line elsewhere.

GITLOW: War Plan Red, huh? I like that.

MARSHALL: It's always been called War Plan Red.

MARSHALL: The Pacific is a bit more complicated because of the mass of territory involved. We have a very long front to deal with in the west.

MARSHALL draws a series of lines on the map.

MARSHALL: These are our defensive positions. We're working on a less than optimal basis here, a lot of police units and even some Centroamerican militias are involved. The three areas of concern are Salt Lake City, which operates as a crucial hub for the Pacific States across Nevada and Utah, California, the importance of which is obvious and the Vancouver/Seattle area, which has been a major point of entry for Japanese arms and Australasian minerals. Our hope is that we'll be able to make progress and disrupt the enemy's ability to respond while our rapid attack plays out in the east.

MARSHALL: In addition to those two, we have also planned for an amphibious invasion of Cuba, to remove it as a threat to the Gulf Coast.

GITLOW seems less concerned than he was earlier.

GITLOW: Could you go into detail about the planned movements? I'm sorry to keep bugging you but it will help me sleep better if I have an idea of what's going on.

MARSHALL: Not at all.

MARSHALL grabs a pencil and drags the eraser across the map to indicate movements. The camera cuts to a rustic scene where an artillery crew fires a howitzer towards an unknown target, with a snow capped mountain in the background.

MARSHALL (voiceover): We have stationed six divisions in Alaska and tasked them with moving south along the British Columbia coast towards Vancouver.

Scene cuts to a tropical beach where a landing ship crashes onto the beach. Two marines open the door and rush out, weapons drawn. The flashes of cannon fire can be seen from a silhouette of a battleship in the distance.

MARSHALL (v.o.): The invasion of Cuba will commence on the southern side of the island, as our intelligence indicates that the northern side is more fortified. The geography of the island means that it will be easy to bisect the country and surround Havana quickly.

Cut to another tropical scene. A Canadian flag flies above a barbed wire fence with a sign labeled YOU ARE ENTERING PANAMA CANAL ZONE hanging on the fence. Centroamerican soldiers begin to tear down the fence.

MARSHALL (v.o.): The Centroamericans have massed their units in Panama, ready to occupy the Panama Canal as soon as the declaration is delivered. With the Panama Canal in their hands, we'll be able to cut off the Canadians on either side of the continent from each other.

Cut to a wide open prairie. A soldier peers through binoculars across the rippling crops. He spots a truck through the binoculars, an anti-tank gun fires and the truck explodes in the distance.

MARSHALL (v.o.): In order to truly bisect Canada, we will also need to capture Winnipeg, which serves as the rail hub between Ontario and British Columbia.

Cut to a dense and hilly forest. A fire team walks cautiously through the woods until gunfire erupts from the trees, sending everybody to the ground.

MARSHALL (v.o.): From our salient in Montana, we will make a push towards Seattle by way of Spokane. If this attack fails, then the attack from Alaska will be able to move on Seattle from the north.

Cut to an arid landscape covered in brush. A column of men march slowly down the road underneath the 'big sky'.

MARSHALL (v.o.): Haywood will lead the attack into Utah. He should be able to overcome the resistance fairly easily, though there are some rivers in the area that would provide a good fallback defensive position.

Cut to a group of Mexican soldiers, the sun rising in the east. They sneak up to a wall labeled "PACIFIC STATES OF AMERICA - NO ENTRY" and plant dynamite along a section of it. The dynamite ignites and a group of Mexicans rush through the breach, firing upon the Pacific border guards.

MARSHALL (v.o.): I will lead the Benjamin Franklin Corps out of Phoenix and supported by the Mexicans coming up from Baja California, we will assault San Diego and attempt to secure Los Angeles as well.

MARSHALL (v.o.): All in all, we have about four hundred thousand men involved in the Pacific theater.

Cut to a shot of Manhattan, the camera pans to the other side of the river, where trucks drive rapidly on a riverside road.

MARSHALL (v.o.): The crux of the plan involves the Hudson River Valley. We are concentrating our rapid assets in New Jersey and New York City.

Cut to a shot of two twin-engine bombers flying in formation high above New York. The bomb bay doors open and the camera cuts to the bombsight, where we see the bombs hitting tents and trucks below.

MARSHALL (v.o.): We'll also put our air assets to use in this attack, since its breakthrough is the most important.

The camera pans again to show a wing of fighters flying alongside the bombers.

MARSHALL (v.o.): We'll also use our fighter assets in this area, because we are certain that the Canadians will concentrate on this area to protect their capital.

Cut to a wing of fighters flying above Niagara Falls.

MARSHALL (v.o.): We'll also begin with patrols above the Great Lakes and Toronto, if only to put some fear into the citizens.

The planes come under attack by enemy planes, one of the CSA planes crashes into the falls when its wing is shot off.

MARSHALL (v.o.): Truth be told, I am not certain we have the strength to overcome their aerial advantage. Either way, I don't think they have the proper mindset to use their bombers effectively.

Camera cuts back to Hudson River Valley, trucks driving north on paved roads.

MARSHALL (v.o.): It all comes down to the Hudson River Valley. Either we break through there or we get bogged down in a war of attrition.

Cut back to conference room.

GITLOW: Do you think this is going to work?

MARSHALL: I think so.

GITLOW takes a moment to take in the intricate plans in front of him before looking up at MARSHALL and smiling.

GITLOW: I can see why Jack had faith in you. That'll be all, George.

MARSHALL packs up his things and shakes GITLOW's hand.

MARSHALL: Get some sleep, Chairman, it'll be a long few weeks.

End scene.

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Eleven: To Boston Via The Hudson River Line (Late July 1940)

National Public Radio StoryCorps "The Wars" Project: Recording #341

<START RECORDING>

Is this thing working?

Yes, you've got it.

Okay, where do we start?

Well, tell us who you are and how you ended up in the Red Army.

Alright, my name is Theodore Kowalski. Most people call me Teddy. I'm a retired aeronautic engineer from Newark, New Jersey. I grew up in Newark, my father came to America from Poland in 1920, joined up with the IWW as a skilled mechanic and was part of the syndicalization of the Newark bus system after the Wobblies got their mayor in office. My mom was second-generation from Italy and a schoolteacher but she was very ill from about 1935 on. I was thirteen when the civil war started and my old man went off with the first wave of militias. He was killed in West Virginia. The Syndicate Guards was such a shitshow back then. Wait, can I curse?

Yeah, you're fine.

Alright, well anyway, the Guards were so ad hoc that we didn't know about it for two months. My mom passed with a broken heart a few weeks after we got the news, leaving me an orphan at thirteen. At that point, the bus syndicate became my family and I spent a few years finding my way around the bus engines and trying to carry my weight. When the Red Army put up a notice that they were looking for mechanics to enlist, I decided to lie about my age and sign up at sixteen in I think it was March of 1940. That about covers it. What else do you need?

Well, what kind of story would you like to tell?

Hmm... I really don't feel like going over all the tragic stuff again. There was a lot of levity in the midst of all the fighting. How about the story of how I met my good friend Ella Stewart?

The fighter ace?

The one and only. Will that work?

That'd be perfect, actually.

Alright, good. Where should I start this?

Wherever you want.

Alright well, I was attached to a motorized infantry division that was part of the quick push up the Hudson River from New Jersey. We made very quick progress, while the other motorized army coming out of the Bronx got bogged down in Connecticut.

We were lucky enough to get up to Albany in only a few days. Our orders were to move north as rapidly as we could and to leave the other army to try and bust through to Hartford.

That speed was enabled by the Mexicans covering our flanks in the Finger Lakes area.

I'm getting way off topic here, the story is actually about Boston. The other army did eventually break through after heavy casualties and began their attack on Boston. We were to wheel around the north side and support them from the direction of New Hampshire if they needed it.

Any fighting is miserable but we had had the easiest time of it compared to the boys trying to capture Buffalo.

Anyway, let me get to the point and skip ahead to when we pulled into Boston. The Battle of Boston was a big victory for us and after those fights, we were allowed three days of rest in Boston. Most of the boys did their best to drink the town dry and chase all the women away, but a number of us ended up camping out in Fenway Park on a beautiful summer day, I think just because we craved normalcy.

I had two guys who I spent most of my time with during the advance, one was an older guy from Brooklyn by the name of Sal. Your typical New York Italian guy, except more miserable than usual. He had no use for anybody and told me once that he enlisted to see if he could get himself killed. He had a soft spot for me though because he grew up an orphan but everybody else was like dogshit in his eyes.

The other guy I didn't like nearly as much, but I'll try not to bash him too much since he got himself killed only a few weeks after this story. His name was Billy O'Brien and he had been a refugee from Boston, so he spent the whole advance making things up about how he was the King of Boston. He was the only guy younger than me in the unit so he sort of attached himself to me because everybody else had told him to get lost. Besides us from our unit, there's maybe a thousand Red Army guys hanging out at Fenway, sitting in the stands, playing cards, playing music, swapping stories of the civil war and the current war, goofing around with the PA, and even some guys out on the field playing ball. The stadium had been deserted by its owners and the Red Sox hadn't played there for about a year so we made ourselves at home, hanging up flags all over the place and rummaging through the locker rooms looking for souvenirs.

Now, the units mingled a lot that day and it seemed like people gravitated to the handful of pilots that were enjoying their time off, I think because we respected the pilots who saved our asses so many times. The three of us ended up sitting next to a pilot by the name of Henry, who I believe was an ace as well, along with a black fellow whose name I can't recall. Billy tried his best to impress Henry, to the point of making shit up.

He claimed that New Hampshire had been a knock down drag it out fight all the way from Mount Washington to Concord, which was a complete lie, there had really been nobody in the whole state.

I really got embarrassed when he claimed that we moved directly from Concord to Syracuse. I think Billy was a good kid deep down but he was also an enormous idiot, I don't think he had any idea where Syracuse actually was. They don't let morons fly planes so Henry can tell that Billy is full of shit.

Anyway, getting to the point again. I was trying to watch the makeshift game going on and ignore Billy making a fool of himself when this woman with a sack over her shoulder comes walking up the aisle. She had those aviator sunglasses on and a leather jacket covered with all the campaign patches from the civil war and Mexican war. She has her hair down instead of pinned up like in most of the pictures you see of her and everybody sitting there can't help but notice this bombshell approaching us. It takes me a second to recognize her face from the Red Army Register. They had featured Ella Stewart in a recent issue as the first female ace in the Revolutionary Air Guards. The whole Red Army was enamored with her after they published that. The commissars I think left out the fact that she was a lesbian whose wingmate was her partner just to get everybody riled up. It didn't take long for the information about her true romantic situation to spread, which of course didn't prevent every mouth breathing animal from taking their shot at her anyway.

Henry called her over and boasted that he had won the bet between them. They had bet each other a certain number of cigarettes over who would have more confirmed kills when we got to Boston and Henry edged her out by two kills, I believe. Ella dropped the sack of cigarettes in Henry's lap and told Billy to mind his business in that Scottish accent of hers when he asked where she got them.

Billy could barely read so he never bothered reading the Register. So he had no clue who Ella was, and didn't make the connection with the discussion about her orientation that had gone around a week after that issue came out. So he decides he's gonna get in her pants by telling even more tall tales. He claims that he killed five guys by himself while capturing Providence, even though we were dealing with a Canadian counterattack a few hundred miles north of Providence and in fact had not ever been close to Rhode Island.

Ella's eyebrows actually arched above her sunglasses when he told her this story. Henry tried to salvage the conversation by offering everybody a pack of cigarettes but Ella couldn't take it and left to find that French girl that she was with.

Adrienne Duclair?

Yep, that's the one. Sal rolled up his newspaper and wacked Billy on the back of his head and scolded him for, his words, scaring off the only good looking thing he'd seen in a month.

At this point, Billy starts to boast that he's going to melt her heart which sends Henry and the black fellow into a fit of laughter.

He says to him: "You know she's a lesbian, right?"

Billy starts to say something like he knows a way to 'fix' that with a shit-eating grin on his face, which wipes the smile from Henry's face.

Henry grabs him by the collar and he says to him: "You can finish that sentence or keep your teeth."

Billy didn't have shit to say after that. I think that Ella must have saved Henry's ass at some point, because Henry clearly had a tremendous amount of respect for her. After a bit, everybody except Sal and I got up and left. Ella came back over when Billy had gone and I had a very nice talk with her, explaining how baseball works while she talked about why she decided to leave Scotland to join up with us. After that, it was just a pleasant day in the midst of so many horrible things. That day stuck with me not just because of how striking Ella was as a person but also because I had never seen anybody get upset and call out homophobia before. We're talking about 1940 here, even though it had been commented on by some of the leading syndicalists, it was still very much a taboo topic among the regular people. But after I met her, I never disparaged a gay person for being gay and tried my best to advocate for them whenever the topic came up. Henry and I were about fifteen years ahead of the curve on that one, but I think everybody who served with the handful of out people back then learned the same things we did, even if the mass consciousness still wanted to pretend they didn't exist.

Anyway, our rest was up the next day and it was back to the grind of war, and we drove all the way up to Canada again to cut off and wipe out a pocket of New English troops in Vermont, not really an experience I want to relive. So I guess thats about it for that story.

You said you were good friends with Ella. Did you see her again after that?

Well, I actually didn't see her again for a few years after that, but I eventually managed to get my certification to fix airplanes and just happened to be assigned to be her mechanic in Sicily, which is when we really became closer. We still talk with the email and what not, she's a firecracker still running that flight school of hers. She keeps asking me to go over to Scotland and help her develop a new jet trainer but I'm enjoying my grandchildren and retirement too much to move anywhere. War friends are a special thing, because you can know somebody for years and not know them the same way that a war buddy knows somebody. The danger and horror brings out parts of us we never knew existed. When there's so many dead friends in my memory from the wars, it's pleasant to think about one that survived for once.

Thanks for the story.

No, thank you, it felt good to tell it. How do I turn this thing off?

<END RECORDING>

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Twelve: Be Sure To Wear Flowers In Your Hair (Mid July-Mid August 1940)

Disaster in California! - 1940, Propaganda/Newsreel

Produced by the Royal Ministry of Information, Sydney Office

A map of North America is displayed, a knife with the Internationale symbol on its hilt is thrust into Chicago, a dark cloud floods out up against the lightly shaded Entente territories.

It has been six weeks since the treacherous Reds launched a surprise attack on our valiant allies across North America! Our brave Pacifican allies are all that stand between the Red menace and the Pacific Ocean!

A map of the Southwest, a dark arrow plunges into Southern California from Phoenix.

The Pacific States are in a desperate battle for their freedom and their lives! The traitor General Marshall and his band of French anarchists are moving rapidly towards Los Angeles.

A picture of George Marshall shaking hands with Pancho Villa, followed by a picture of the ruins of Columbus, NM from 1916.

He works in tandem with the infamous Mexican bandit Pancho Villa, turning a blind eye to the crimes committed against his once fellow Americans. Is no unholy alliance too stained for the Reds?

A group of soldiers take cover behind sandbags and fire a machine gun.

The divided state of Arizona is once again a battlefield, as the brave Pacificans hold the north against the Reds in the south.

A church on fire, people running.

Our brothers in Empire, the Royal Canadian Army, stand side by side with the Pacific States, defending the good and righteous Mormon folk in Utah from the church-burners.

A shot of the Lake Mead Dam with military trucks driving over it.

The wily Pacifican forces are using the rugged territory of the Southwest to their advantage, holding the Colorado River against the enemy.

A Canadian-flagged ship steams into port, a crowd of civilians wave and cheer from the dockside.

Our Canadian brothers are putting as many men into the fight as they possibly can, for an injury to one democracy is an injury to us all!

A map of the Southwest, a white arrow extends inland from Los Angeles into the midst of the dark cloud to the east.

We wish them Godspeed as they do their utmost to relieve the brave men defending the eastern frontier.

Film of a turbaned sailor hard at work on a cruiser deck.

Even distant Delhi sends aid, sending their ships all the way from India. All democracies across the world must stand together!

A map of California, a dark arrow comes out of Mexico, arching out through the ocean before landing in the Bay Area.

The emergency is as great as it's ever been! Just this week, the dastardly Reds launched a surprise attack on San Francisco from the sea, putting them within striking distance of Sacramento and the Pacifican government.

Film of buildings ablaze, civilians running through the streets.

The savage Red Fleet then turned their mighty guns on the ships evacuating women and children from the Jewel of the American West, showing no quarter to the innocent.

As we speak, the Reds are raping and pillaging their way through the great city of San Francisco. The situation looks grim for our friends, but the fight goes on all across North America! Visit your nearest Royal Australian Army recruiter and enlist today! Help us defend Seattle so we won't have to defend Sydney!

Credits roll, God Save the King plays.

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Thirteen: Cover Your Flanks (July-August 1940)

Excerpt from The Revolutionary Marines: A History

The Revolutionary Marines were utilized in a number of fronts during the Great North American War, the first of which was the invasion of Cuba that commenced on July 10th, the same day of the declaration of war against the Entente. The landing force sailed through the night in secret from Miami to the south of Cuba, surprising the Cubans who were expecting a direct attack on Havana from the north. The Marines landed in the Bay of Pigs area, utilizing the beachhead of Playa Larga to land divisions. Within days, the Marines had gained control of most of the Santa Clara province.

The Marines, having bisected the island, were then able to surround and attack the garrison of the capital in Havana.

The Cubans were ill-equipped, ill-trained and ill-prepared for the invasion. The withering artillery fire from the First Revolutionary Marines led to the surrender of the city's garrison only a few days after the first shells fell.

The rapid victory on land was accompanied by some attendant victories on sea. The Royal Canadian Navy had attempted to interfere with the supply ships once it became clear what was going on, but the handful of raiding cruisers were quickly dispatched by the big guns of the American battleships.

The Canadians elected to respond with a raid on the port of Miami, utilizing four aircraft carriers in the surprise attack.

The aim was to prevent the use of Miami as a staging port for further amphibious operations in the Caribbean, and the Canadians were somewhat successful in that regard. The port was heavily damaged, and about two thousand American servicemen were killed or wounded in addition to the sinking of 19 troopships.

The response was dramatic and was utilized as propaganda for the populations of the Entente nations, but its actual strategic effect was minimal, as Cuba was doomed without significant reinforcement. Recently declassified documents from the American Red Army demonstrate that there were no plans to launch operations beyond Cuba until the rest of War Plan Red had been successfully executed.

The precarious state of the Entente on every other front meant that there was no reinforcements to be had, and so the government of Cuba abandoned the capital and fled, along with a significant number of Union State exiles, to Jamaica.

Another reason why the Miami operation had limited success was because the Americans had secured another Caribbean port. While the port of Havana had been severely damaged by the artillery fire of the Marines, the former American naval base at Guantanamo Bay was undamaged, and was thus immediately available to support a large fleet.

The Marines established contact with Cuban syndicalists who had been driven underground and within days, a provisional syndicalist government was proclaimed in Havana. The Americans did not press the claims of the former United States to the Guantanamo base, but the new Cuban government was immediately inducted into the Organization of American Syndicates, giving the Americans license to use the base to defend the newly socialist state of Cuba.

-------------------------

A pair of letters between Centroamerican soldiers, from August 1940.

Mi hermano,

I have missed you tremendously since you departed, but I'm happy to say that we are finished down here.

The enemy surrendered the canal to our superior numbers and we have established control over the territory. You should see the joyous celebrations here! Central America is finally free of foreigners.

It's going to be hard work getting the canal ready for all the traffic the Americans need to put through it, but we're getting there. We've already set up coastal guns and scared off a Caribbean destroyer. We control one of the two most important waterways in the world, Jorge, it's wonderful!

I need to get back to work, the American battleships are going to be coming through within a few days, and the Canadians tried to sabotage parts of the canal to make it too narrow for them to pass through. Nothing too serious though. The commissar can't tell me where they sent you, but he says that they'll be able to get this letter to you wherever you are. Write back as soon as you get it! I want to hear all about what you've seen!

Cordialmente,

Roberto

-------------------------

Roberto,

It feels like yesterday when we were called into the commander's tent and told that the high command wanted to separate brothers so as not to ruin our mothers in case of disaster. You looked me in the eye and said "Hermano, it ought to be you who gets to see the world." I should get the opportunity to see the world and meet its fine women, since you have a wife and I do not. How lovely you made it seem! "Maybe you'll get sent to Paris as an observer, and meet a beautiful French lady! Or perhaps you'll take back Hawaii, and surf with the island girls!" Spectacular! So many possibilities! And of all of those, guess where I was sent?

Fucking Saskatchewan.

There is nothing but goddamn prairie and farms here. Every other day or so, we march past a farmhouse and the farmer's daughters stand on their porches giving us the evil eye. I spent ten goddamn days marching west, with an unhelpful comrade telling me that at least we'll get to see the Rockies. Mountains! How wonderful! I can barely contain my excitement!

While you sat at the canal waving to the ships and drinking cocktails on the beach, I was doing my best to save some Americans from being evicted from Fort Peck, Montana, which is obviously the worst calamity that could ever befall anybody. God forbid we lose Fort Peck.

And the radio tries to get us excited about what else is going on. The Canadians took Grand Forks! Never heard of Grand Forks? THERE'S A REASON FOR THAT.

I wonder if they gave the British boys serving General Rose the same sack of shit you gave me. "Go to America, lads! You'll be fucking movie stars in California! Wait, just kidding, you'll be fucking cattle in Winnipeg! Outstanding!"

I will admit that the mountains looked quite impressive in the distance. Which is as close as we ever got before a bunch of Canadian light armor attacked us.

And now I'm oh so glad that we saved Fort Peck. Because we're retreating there! Oh boy!!!

And the radio just gave us the most tragic news! Regina has fallen! Oh no, the Canadians now control half of the mosquitoes in North America!

Good thing Rose is taking his British boys there to get stung to death like we were. So I must thank you, Roberto, for your selfless sacrifice. While you sit on a peaceful beach thirty miles from your wife, I am so very lucky to be chased across the prairie by mosquitoes and angry white men in small tanks. I was hoping for the Parisian beauties but hey, maybe one of these Bible-clutching farmgirls will give me a peck on the cheek after six months of courtship.

Con resentimientio,

Jorge

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Fourteen: The Siege of Spokane (Late July-Late August 1940)

Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Spokane

Siege of Spokane

Part of the Northwestern Front of the Great North American War

American forces manning a trench in the Spokane Valley

Dates: 1 August 1940 – 12 September 1940

(1 month, 1 week and 5 days)

Location: Spokane, Washington, Pacific States of America and surrounding environs

Result: Internationale victory

Belligerents:

Internationale

Combined Syndicates of America - 6 divisions, 63,000 troops in Spokane; nine divisions, 115,000 troops involved in relief attempts

Mexico - 3 divisions, 35,000 troops

Supported by:

Bitterroot Salish tribe - unknown number of saboteurs and partisans

Entente

Pacific States of America - 6 divisions, 65,000 troops

Canada - 2 divisions, 20,000 troops

Commanders:

Internationale:

[CSA]Ernest Hemingway

[CSA]Clifton B. Cates

[CSA]Robert Hale Merriman

[MEX]Victor Diaz Ovalle

[SAL]Chief Martin Charlo

Entente:

[PSA]Phillip Barrow

[PSA]George Scoggins

[CAN]Ernest Charles Ashton

[CAN]Blake Oulton

Casualties and losses:

Internationale:

CSA: about 4,000 killed, 9,000 wounded

Mexico: about 800 killed, 1500 wounded

Salish: Two saboteurs executed

Entente:

PSA: about 4,000 killed, 9,500 wounded

Canada: about 1,400 killed, 2,700 wounded

Civilians:

Estimates vary from 3,000 to 15,000

The Siege of Spokane was an engagement in the Great North American War involving the encirclement of American forces under the command of Ernest Hemingway in and around the city of Spokane, Washington. The siege is regarded to have begun with the capture of Missoula, Montana by the Canadian army on August 1, 1940 and to have ended with the surrender of the Pacific States of America on September 12, 1940. Attempts to relieve the siege involved American and Mexican forces and were contested by Pacifican and Canadian forces. Numerous battles that took place in areas of Montana, Oregon, Idaho, Washington and British Columbia are commonly regarded to be part of the overall engagement surrounding the siege of Spokane. The siege was the most important engagement of the Northwestern theater and had lasting effects on American military doctrine as well as on Ernest Hemingway's career.

1. Background

Hemingway's successful command in the American Southwest during the Mexican Intervention led General Marshall to reluctantly entrust him with a more important role in the Great North American War. Hemingway was given command of six divisions and given orders to attack Washington. His first goal was to capture the city of Spokane[1].

Marshall's primary concern about Hemingway was what Marshall perceived to be his recklessness. While Hemingway was very popular with the soldiers under his command, he also had overextended himself against Marshall's wishes during the Mexican Intervention.[2] Marshall preferred to have a more cautious commander in the Missoula salient, but was overruled by Benjamin Gitlow, who believed Hemingway being on the front line would be of propaganda value.

Hemingway's recklessness demonstrated itself in how he advanced on Spokane despite the presence of Pacific troops in Boise that threatened his southern flank and the general lack of nearby support in isolated Montana. The plan called for the advance to only go forward if its flanks were protected, which was to be achieved by attacks into southern Idaho and Alberta.

The nearest allied force of considerable size was a smaller corps of three divisions that was engaged in the Battle of Yellowstone. [3]

Because Hemingway had not waited for the Canadian forces to the north to be dealt with before vacating Missoula, the Canadians were able to march directly south and overcome minimal resistance to take the city on the first of August.

Hemingway's position in Idaho was supplied through a caravan running from Missoula to Coeur D'Alene through a narrow valley in Mineral County. Canadian control of Missoula meant that the caravan could not access the valley and thus Hemingway was cut off from supply.

Hemingway did not stop his advance through the Spokane Valley and had control of the whole valley within days. The local population did not assist Hemingway's forces whatsoever and the retreating Pacifican forces had taken as many supplies with them as they could, leaving the Americans facing potential starvation and ammunition shortages.[4]

2. Initial Breakout Attempts

Hemingway did not want to wait for relief from the rest of the Red Army. His plan was to move across the Columbia Basin towards Yakima and then advance towards the Pacific Ocean by way of the Columbia River. The goal of this plan was to capture Portland which could be used to ferry in supplies and reinforcements by sea[5].

The Pacific Army moved into the Columbia Basin to block the escape route, and thus the two forces met in the Battle of Yakima.

The Red Army, who outnumbered the Pacific Army by two to one, scored a tactical victory in the engagement but the Pacific Army gained a strategic victory by forcing Hemingway to use enough of his dwindling supplies that he was forced to call off his march to the Pacific and attempt to hold out in Spokane.

3. Relief Attempts

After a few weeks, support finally came in the form of three Mexican divisions, who assaulted the Canadians in Missoula with support from a Centroamerican force in Calgary.

The allied forces were able to regain control of Missoula and began to reestablish the supply line through the Bitterroot Range. However, the Canadians captured and began to fortify the city of Coeur d'Alene at the eastern end of the Spokane Valley. Hemingway fortified the valley, utilizing the geography of the valley to his advantage. The front line between the Canadians and Americans in the valley was roughly coterminous with the Idaho-Washington border, where trenches and unexploded shells can still be found [citation needed].

Marshall, though apparently outraged at Hemingway's reckless action [6], did do everything he could to attempt to relieve the encircled army. The force attacking from Alaska was asked to speed up its advance in order to capture Vancouver and attempt to open an escape route for Hemingway through the Okanogan Highlands to the northwest of Spokane.

The Mexican relief force, having established its control over Missoula, began its advance towards Coeur D'Alene. The aforementioned supply route through the Bitterroot Range was the only usable path. The passable portion of the valley (that roughly corresponds with the modern Transcontinental 90) is less than a quarter of a mile wide in some parts and the Mexican force encountered great difficulty in their advance. The Canadians mined many of the narrowest portions of the valley and conducted regular ambushes from the surrounding mountains. The local Salish tribe elected to assist the Mexican force during their advance, and used their knowledge of the area to disrupt the efforts of the Canadians. Even with that assistance, the advance on Coeur D'Alene took a very long time [how long?] due to the damage done to the area's limited infrastructure.

When the Mexicans made it within fifty miles of Coeur D'Alene, the Canadian garrison in the city began to fear being attacked from both west and east. Therefore, the Canadians abandoned the city and evacuated across the lake to the south and reestablished themselves in the southern Columbia Basin. [7] They dynamited bridges and roads on their way out and slowed the advance of the Mexican relief force to a crawl, meaning that the Red Army was still unable to supply Hemingway.

Marshall also ordered a third operation to try and provide yet another escape route. The Revolutionary Marines launched an amphibious invasion of northwestern Oregon. Their mission was to occupy Portland and attempt an assault through the Cascade mountains to open up a southwestern escape route if it was needed. In the end, none of the three relief forces ever succeeded in relieving Hemingway, because the Pacific Army abandoned the siege due to unrelated events before any of the forces completed their missions (See article Pacific War#Surrender for details).

4. Aftermath

In 1954, Hemingway described the siege as "the most terrifying experience" of his life and that he had "learned a great deal about what being a leader means." [8] Many historians [who?] doubt the sincerity of these claims, claiming instead that he only regretted the incident because of the rebuke he received from Marshall and Gitlow after the war had ended. [9] Marshall later described it as the "most fraught episode in the most fraught theater of the conflict." [10] The daily progress of the siege was followed worldwide, the profile of the siege enhanced by Hemingway's fame [11]. While the official propaganda arm of the Red Army extolled the heroism of Hemingway's bold advance [12], in private, Marshall was furious with Hemingway's disregard for the plan and convinced Gitlow that Hemingway should be not given any important commands in the future. [13]

4.1. Hemingway's Career

Historians generally agree that Hemingway's reckless advance was to blame for the siege. [14] Hemingway's reputation as a commander was forever marred by the incident, and while Hemingway served in the Red Army throughout the 1940s, the siege marked the effective end of his career as a commander. After the end of the Great North American War, Hemingway was given no overseas commands and spent his time either administrating units stationed in America or traveling in the company of other commanders in a non-leadership capacity. [15] However, it did not affect his great prestige as a diplomat and author, and Hemingway was still received warmly everywhere he went. [16]

4.2. Military Doctrine

Marshall used the experience of the siege in developing the doctrine the American Red Army used in the 1940s. [17] The siege was cited frequently as a justification in including mobility as the third central tenet of Red Army doctrine (along with tactical air power and 'optimization of force'). [18] The Red Army had already deployed a dozen fully motorized divisions in the Northeast and was considering developing more. The agonizingly slow pace of maneuvers in the region led the Red Army to decide to motorize all infantry divisions raised after the conclusion of the Great North American War. [19]

5. See Also

Battle of Yakima
Battle of Portland
First Battle of Vancouver
Mexican Involvement in the Great North American War
Native American Involvement in the Great North American War

yes, i blamed a fictionalized historical figure for my own ineptitude

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Fifteen: Spirit of Madison (Late July-Late August 1940)

Journal entry, purportedly by Robert Lewis, AKA 'the Buffalo Butcher'. Possibly a forgery.

They're finally letting us advance, thank fucking Christ. First artillery crewman I find, he's done for. Four weeks of this shit. I hope we're getting close to the end. I need it to be close to the end. I can't take this for much longer.

I don't belong here. I should be in New York, cutting traitor necks. Who was it in Erie that told the commander about the list? Why do they even care? Why are any of the monsters on that list worthy of salvation? If I ever find out who it is, they're on the list too.

Why can't I go home? I explained to the commander what had happened in Buffalo, what they'd done to me. "No reprisals." he said. Idiot. Coward. Take your pick. I'm a fucking soldier, not a priest. I can kill the sons of people I've never met, if I make a tiny error in calculation, I could send a shell into some child's bedroom and thats just an acceptable cost. But if I kill the people who took everything from me, then I'm a monster. What kind of fucked up logic is that?

Why here? Why Detroit? It could have been anywhere else. Why not California? Why not the Marines in Cuba? Why not in one of those fancy truck brigades they won't ever shut up about? The radio squawks about how quick its going in Vermont. 'Lightning quick advance!' They make it sound so glorious for the audience.

They couldn't report what actually goes on up here. I get to peer through binoculars for days on end, waiting for a Canadian to snipe my dick off when I go to take a piss. Nobody would sign up if they reported that, would they? They say it's almost over, and believing them sounds more appealing every day, even if I know I can't trust half the shit that comes out of that infernal box.

I already see the signs. I heard the dirty word on the radio yesterday. 'Reconciliation.' What do you think the Canadians would do if the shoe was on the other foot? If they were in our cities? How many would they do like they did her? Too many.

The box says Buffalo is the only traitor stronghold left. Boston is ours, Burlington is ours, Albany is ours. If we get Buffalo, they're done and Canada stands alone. Buffalo. Home. I want to go home. I need to go home. To what's left of it at least. They're not going to let me though. Because they have the list. They know what I'll do if given half a chance.

Will it be the mayor? The police chief? Which murderer will it be? Which one will sell my stolen city back to its rightful owners in exchange for absolution? They did it in Atlanta and Denver, so easy to pretend that these men have no blood on their hands, stab them in the chest with red pins and try to pass them off as worthy of breath.

This time won't be any different. The government doesn't care about justice. They only want peace. One of the rotten fucks will raise the white flag, engage in the usual pretense, shake hands with the guy he was trying to kill last week, and lay down arms. Then that'll be it. They'll walk free. For now.

There is no treaty or pardon or amnesty that can wash away the sins of November 15th, 1936. Only blood can redeem my city. They're not going to get away with what they did. The hangman might have worn Royal insignia, but it is the Judases in my city who are truly responsible, the men I used to call countrymen, a few of them even friends. I promise I will make it back to Buffalo and I will check off every name on the list. One way or another. I owe my baby girl that much. And if something happens to me before justice is served, then at least I'll get to see her again. That would be nice.

---------------------------

FROM: CENTRAL COMMAND CHICAGO

TO: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

THE DEAL IS DONE. THE NEW ENGLISH ARE STANDING DOWN. WE EXPECT SOME HARDLINERS AND ESPECIALLY THE EMBEDDED CANADIANS TO FIGHT ON. TRY TO KEEP THEM FROM ESCAPING TO CANADA.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: CENTRAL COMMAND CHICAGO

UNDERSTOOD. THE CANADIANS HAVE RETAKEN SYRACUSE BUT THEIR SITUATION IS DIRE AND THEY CAN ONLY FERRY LIMITED SUPPLIES ACROSS LAKE ONTARIO. THEYRE DONE FOR.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: LAW

THE NEW ENGLISH ARE FINISHED. YOUR FLANKS ARE SECURE AND YOU ARE FREE TO ADVANCE ON OTTAWA.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: DART

BUFFALO IS SECURE. ADVANCE TOWARDS TORONTO WITH ALL POSSIBLE SPEED.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: BROWN

LAW HAS YOUR SOUTHERN FLANK COVERED. YOU HAVE YOUR THREE OBJECTIVES. GOOD LUCK TO YOU.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: LAW

DART HAS CREATED AN OPPORTUNITY FOR YOU. MOVE TOWARDS LAKE HURON AND YOUR TWO FORCES SHOULD BE ABLE TO NEUTRALIZE THE REMAINDER OF THE CANADIAN FORCES IN ONTARIO.

FROM: BROWN

TO: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

GREETINGS FROM HALIFAX.

FROM: NORTHEAST COMMAND MANHATTAN

TO: ALL COMMANDERS

YOU HAVE MY CONGRATULATIONS AND GRATITUDE COMRADES. WE ARE THE FIRST THEATER TO ACCOMPLISH ALL OF OUR WAR PLAN RED OBJECTIVES. THE ENTIRE WORLD WATCHED IN FEAR OR AWE AS YOU ALL HELPED PIONEER A NEW BRAND OF WARFARE. OUR LIGHTNING QUICK ADVANCE STUNNED THE ENEMY. THEY COULD NOT RESPOND TO OUR SUPERIOR TACTICS AND SO WE WON A TREMENDOUS VICTORY WITH LESS LOSSES THAN ANTICIPATED. MOST OF YOU WILL BE GOING HOME SOON. SOME OF YOU WILL BE CALLED UPON TO KEEP THE FEW REMAINING CANADIANS IN THE EAST ON THEIR HEELS. BUT FOR ALL INTENTS AND PURPOSES AND AS FAR AS WE ARE CONCERNED THIS WAR IS OVER. IM SURE WELL BE DOING THIS ALL AGAIN SOON ENOUGH.

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Sixteen: Manifest Destiny (Mid-August-Mid September 1940)

Letter from Culbert Levy Olson to Frank Merriam, 1942, Published in San Francisco Chronicle. Also sent to Sydney Morning Herald but not published.

Mr. Merriam, I will not pretend that we ever got along during the time of the Pacific States, but I do feel hurt by some of the things you have claimed about me, that I made a secret deal with Chicago before the war began or that I purposefully turned Japan against us. I always acted in the best interests of the Pacific people.

For a tiny while, it did seem possible that we could win but I know that you're either lying or a fool when you say you never gave up hope. You weren't here, you didn't see what was going on like I did. You went off on your desperation tour to Tokyo and Berlin while I actually had to stay here and try to manage a doomed war effort. The Reds had a plan and they executed it perfectly. Just as we were beginning to effectively respond in Southern California, they invaded San Francisco and before long, shells were falling near my office. That was when I had to admit that it was going to be over.

At that point, there were two choices to be made. Stay and surrender in Sacramento and possibly die in the fighting, or evacuate the city to try and continue the fight from elsewhere. Leaving with the garrison seemed like the best thing to do. I didn't 'abandon' anybody. What good would my corpse have done anybody?

I regret that we couldn't get everybody out and as I left, I thought for sure that they would all be dead or imprisoned. By the time we had gotten to about Eureka, we got some surprising news out of Sacramento. The Reds were a gentle occupier, allowing the existing municipal authority to stay in power and assisting with putting out fires. A hearts and minds campaign of sorts, one that contradicts the lies told by your Royal Ministry of Information. That news laid the foundation for what I decided to do later.

Our armies were being surrounded and defeated soundly on every front. My staff told me repeatedly that we could make our stand in Cascadia until the rest of the Entente forces arrived to help us beat back the enemy. The negotiations with Japan were also being treated as a potential deus ex machina, but my visit with the Prime Minister months earlier gave me the feeling that there was no hope for any assistance from the empire beyond the trickle of volunteers and limited arms trade.

There were only so many ports we could use to land allied forces. San Diego and San Francisco were already gone.

The Mexican army was advancing quickly on Los Angeles.

A second unit of Red Marines seized Portland. Before long, only Seattle was left.

And even if they were all open, the French and Red American fleets were patrolling up and down the coast. The Canal was closed off and there was a chance any reinforcements would be sent to the bottom of the sea before they could arrive.

Desperation took its toll and before long we were throwing out old men and boys without proper training to fight against battle-hardened veterans. What was the point of that? Every day I delayed caused more death.

It's still a hard decision to make when there is hope, or at least the illusion of hope. Seattle and Vancouver could resist and we could get reinforcements there.

But when the Red Fleet steamed into Puget Sound and we got the reports of heavy shelling across the city, then I knew it was over.

When Seattle was captured, I gathered all of my top staff together and told them I was considering surrender. To my surprise, not one of them disagreed with me.

The nail in our coffin came when we heard that an Australasian relief force was turned back and forced to retreat to Hawaii. Nobody was coming. The only thing to be gained from further battle was death and destruction.

So I made the call and two days later, I was shaking hands with General Marshall and signing an instrument of surrender. The Pacific States of America was no more.

The Canadians turned on our men as soon as news of the surrender got out. Our men had been steadily losing enthusiasm for the fight for weeks and our once allies felt they couldn't trust us anymore. Camps turned into battlefields overnight. What you've been saying that I ordered our men to stab our allies in the back is simply a lie. The Reds wanted the Pacific Army to stand down and allow the Red Army to deal with the situation, but when the Canadians attacked, we had no choice but to fight back.

Truth be told, the Pacific nation was just plain demoralized and exhausted. We were still Americans, and the door was open to us, just as it was to the Texans and the Virginians before us. The Pacific territories have been treated in exactly the same way as the rest of the nation was. The economy is transitioning to syndicalism, as it has been throughout America, and I will not pretend that it hasn't come with some difficulties. Your tales of labor camps and mass executions are simply false. Reconciliation rules the day here.

I don't regret my decision, not one bit. We had lost the war months before it ever began. They were too strong and as time went on, they would get even stronger. They had innovated new ways of warfare we never expected. The Pacific people wanted me to be their leader, and I did my best to lead them through an inevitable defeat. And I continued to lead them during recovery as the Regional Secretary for California. If you wanted to take a boat to Australia and scream and holler about what I did wrong, then that was your prerogative. I wanted to stay and rebuild my home, our home. My duty was to our people, and I tried to save as many of them as I could. I won't apologize for that and I won't take any guff about it from you of all people. I don't wish you ill, Frank, nor do I particularly like you, but I do wish you'd stop telling lies about me. It's unbecoming.

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Seventeen: The Red Continent (September-October 1940)

Pamphlet distributed throughout Canada by occupying forces by Red Army Bureau of Information.

Canadians!

We in the Combined Syndicates understand that this conflict has been an arduous experience for all North Americans. The Combined Syndicates did not wish for the recently ended war to happen, not so soon after our own bloody and terrible civil war. We chose the path of peace and equality among men and your former king decided to create an atmosphere of hostility and mistrust by imprisoning our brothers and sisters in New England and turning our Pacific countrymen against us. He was attempting to surround us and endanger our independence, to assist the tyrant MacArthur in destroying our proud American democracy. And now that his ploy has failed, he has abandoned you! He stole away to Australia in the middle of the night while your countrymen fought and died in his name!

He ordered your countrymen to attack their allies when the Pacific States expressed its desire to find peace with the Combined Syndicates, all while he sat safely in a new palace in Sydney.

He gave speeches urging the Royal Army to fight on, causing more pointless death even when he admitted through his own action that he did not believe they could win.

As if that wasn't enough of a crime, young men with their lives ahead of them were sent all the way around South America from their homes in the Caribbean or all the way across the Pacific from Australia to fight a hopeless battle, the only purpose of which was to inflate the ego of the departed king.

Your former leaders knew there was no hope, that the Red Army was too strong to be resisted. Our syndicalist way of life has allowed us to build one of the most powerful armies in the world, but it was never our desire to use it in anger against our neighbors. It is our desire to protect the Americas from foreign monarchs and imperialists. Why should Canada be used as a pawn in a European's schemes?

Let the other occupied states continue to fight and die in service to a man who would sacrifice your children in order to build his own stature. Canada ought to be free to rule itself.

This is why we have followed the advice of many Canadians in abolishing the monarchy in Canada.

We do not intend to conquer Canada and rule it as a province, like the British have done. The presence of our military in your home is a temporary measure to protect you from reactionaries who believe the status of one man is more important than the well being of a nation. We fully plan on withdrawing from all of Canada as soon as the situation permits it.

I claimed Newfoundland for use as a naval base.

You may have heard that the French-speaking people of Quebec have chosen to exist independently from the rest of Canada. This is not intended to weaken or divide the Canadian people. They wish to administrate their lives in the French language, while you will likely wish to administrate yours in English. Do not be alarmed by this new border. In the old world, borders were an artificial division used to divide people and further the schemes of the capitalist elite. In our new world, borders mean little. You will be able to work, live, visit and study in any part of North America, whether it flies the flag of Quebec or Canada or even the Combined Syndicates.

I absolutely love this flag.

If you do not live in Quebec, then you will be considered a citizen of the Socialist Republic of Canada, the newest member of the Organization of American Syndicates and the Internationale. If you wish to have a say in the foundation of a new and prosperous Canadian republic, then visit your local CTUC office to be directed towards the union that would best represent you. You may have been told many lies about the syndicalist way of life by the monarchist regime, but you will find it to be an equitable and just form of governance. No longer will you fear unemployment or starvation and no longer will your livelihood be subject to the whims of another man.

The unfortunate conflict has caused a great deal of damage across this continent. This concludes almost four years of fighting in North America, but now we are united and independent. North America will be for the North Americans and together, we will rebuild what was lost and forge a new trans-continental society that will be an example to the world. Let the monarchs in Europe resist the future, let the petty warlords and emperors of Asia squabble amongst themselves.

We, the North Americans, whether we speak English, French or Spanish, have the opportunity to lead the world into a new era of freedom. It is the sincere hope of the Combined Syndicates that you will join us in this most righteous endeavor.

This doesn't fit into the theme at all.

Here is an enormous album of a few years worth of techs and production stuff. (Carriers take forever.)

Chief Savage Man · Oct 5, 2017

Chapter Eighteen: The Islands (October 1940-April 1941)

Joseph John Connor

Midterm Exam

HIST 215

Short Essay #2

Topic: C - Free Press in Wartime America

Using the provided sources and what you've learned, comment on the status of the free press in 1940s America and how it changed in different circumstances.

The Chamber of Deputies officially affirmed the rights to free press and speech provided in the First Amendment of the United States Constitution in 1937, but like the United States before it, the Combined Syndicates often restricted that right when they felt it was in the national interest to do so. The central government's ability to restrict press differed based on its level of control in a given area. Regions with established union government had almost unchecked freedom of the press, while it was restricted in regions where the transition from a capitalist to socialist economy was ongoing.

The first source is an editorial published in Atlanta, the former capital of the Union State and a hotbed of anti-syndicalist sentiment. It was written, likely by a central government functionary, in the days following the Venezuelan declaration of war against the enemy Caribbean Federation.

The same paper had published news the same day about the move of the Caribbean leadership to Bermuda. The newspapers in the South were often controlled by the regional representatives of the central government, and thus the editorials were often merely government commentary on the news presented elsewhere in the paper.

This particular editorial advocated military operation against Bermuda and the rest of the Federation, something was of course in the works already.

The anti-Entente tone of the editorial is intense, and it calls repeatedly for retribution for the American lives lost in the just ended Great North American War.

As was common in non-syndicalized regions, the tone was less about expanding the revolution and more nationalistic. Rather than liberating the workers of the Caribbean, a tone you might expect in a New York newspaper, this editorial claimed it was necessary in order to 'establish American dominance' and 'protect the South from foreign attack'.

The editorial makes no comment on what would happen to the Caribbean Federation after said military operation. One can only assume that advocacy of the type of multiracial government that would eventually be established in the Caribbean would inflame white opinion in the South.

The editorial also took a government stance in its anti-Venezuelan attitude. As we learned, the French government took an interest in safeguarding the possessions of the social democrat Dutch government. The American government was willing to turn a blind eye to Dutch colonialism in order to help the French keep the Dutch out of the German alliance. The mention of the need to 'protect the Dutch islands' betrays the government's hand in writing this particular editorial, because it seems unlikely that the average citizen of Georgia would be particularly concerned about Dutch colonies.

This is in contrast to the second source, an editorial about Hawaii published in Seattle. This editorial was clearly not written by a government advocate, because it openly criticizes the manner in which the government was dealing with Hawaii.

There was a state of war between the island republic and the Combined Syndicates, by virtue of its defensive pact with the defunct Pacific States. Thus, if the writer believed the Combined Syndicates should not incorporate Hawaii, s/he did not say so in the editorial. To do so could have opened up the writer to a number of charges or to be marked as a counterrevolutionary.

Even though Seattle had only recently been incorporated into the Combined Syndicates, the city had a long history of IWW activity, including a massive general strike in 1919. This meant that the city's syndicalization process took less time than in the South, and therefore the central government tolerated a greater degree of free press.

The writer did not oppose the idea of military action in the Pacific, noting the Australasian activity and the importance of Palmyra Atoll as a forward naval base.

They repeatedly expressed their support for the sailors and the navy.

Where the writer begins to disagree with the military action is concerning action against Hawaii itself. The writers disparages the bombing campaign that took place against Honolulu in 1940, calling it counterproductive and cruel, instead advocating covert action aimed at inspiring an indigenous revolution, rather than building support for the Entente by bombing civilians. The editorial is indicative of Seattle's situation as a city in the midst of socialist transition, where the regional authorities felt confident enough in their position to allow some criticism of the government's methods but not confident enough to allow any editorials that openly challenged the aims of the governments.

Ultimately, the American military did withdraw from the region, the Hawaiian defenses too strong for the still young Revolutionary Marines. Perhaps the editorial was allowed because the government was not wholly committed to the operation to begin with, but that is merely speculation.

The third and final source comes from an anarchist newspaper distributed in Detroit. The very fact that an anarchist newspaper existed speaks to how well established socialist government was in the city. The level of press freedom allowed in Detroit was not a function of what the government was comfortable dealing with, but rather something that the government was forced to deal with, because the alternative was provoking strike action, rioting or insurrection by the large and entrenched anarchist or trade unionist movements within the city.

This particular opinion piece concerns the Canadian Trade Union Congress of 1940. The piece blasts apart the central planning strategy adopted by Tim Buck's Totalist faction, calling it 'totalitarian and unbelievably dangerous'.

Furthermore, it goes after the aggressive military buildup of the Canadian republic, something championed in public by Benjamin Gitlow. The writer lambasts the American Central Committee for making a 'deal with the devil', the devil in question being Tim Buck. Other statements like 'putting foreign adventures before the well being of North Americans' and calling Gitlow a 'coward' makes it clear that the government had no hand in penning or approving this article.

The article also comments on the St. Lawrence Accord, which allowed the French significant influence in Quebec. While the writer does not take nearly as much issue as he does with the CTUC, he does claim it as another evidence of Gitlow's supposed cowardice.

These sources indicate that freedom of press in wartime America was closely linked to concern about reactionary elements. In areas where reactionary sentiment was strong, the press was closely watched. In areas where they were weak, the press was given considerable leeway. And in areas where there was almost no concern about reactionary factions, the press was given almost total freedom to criticize the government, so long as the criticism was coming from a generally left political standpoint.

_____________________________

END OF ACT TWO

State of the World, April 1941

The tide of the Balkan war is beginning to turn against the Bulgarians once more, with the Serbs pressing back from the brink.

War has broken out between the Integralist (far right) government of Brazil and the conservative government of La Plata.

The Indian war between the Bhartiya Commune and the Princely Federation is progressing slowly, with the edge going to the Commune.

The Qing are well on their way to defeating the Mad Baron.

The CNT-FAI have been defeated, and the front line has generally remained static, stretching from Leon to Catalonia.

Our air force has absorbed the Pacific one and grown somewhat larger.

The army has also gotten larger between the absorption of the Pacific army and some peacetime construction. The focus from now on will be on motorized infantry, which is much more mobile than foot infantry.

Our navy still consists of what we inherited from the US and AUS. Carrier and heavy cruiser production is underway but will take a few years until we're ready to field a new modern fleet. Therefore, it'll be important to be careful with what we have already.

Our most skilled generals are Rose and Marshall, though Haywood is not far behind.

America is fully united, and we are the industrial giant you would expect us to be.

We're up there with the deadliest in the world, having completely destroyed a number of militaries. Especially with our new focus on encirclement, we'll be wiping out whole divisions more often, which should increase our "body count" (including captured).

We've done very well in preserving our manpower (not that we need to). Overwhelming force, picking our battles and air support have done a lot to minimize our casualties so far.

The AI is rather bad at coordinating with its allies, which is good for us, because the Entente could put together a sizable force that could effectively defend one of its members, but by themselves, we'll be able to handle any of them. Australia appears to have inherited some of the Canadian navy, so they are really a naval power we ought to be careful in dealing with, lest we lose more of our limited amount of BBs like we did around Palmyra.

Last but not least, I always enjoy looking at the sunk ships list, just to see if any particular ship did well. I believe that the USS New Mexico has the most kills with 10, but one of those kills is our own ship from when the New Mexico was in federal service so I don't know if it counts. This is where the French have been of particular help, with their sizable fleet on the prowl for the enemy while I've generally tried to avoid large battles so far.

Chief Savage Man · Feb 16, 2018

Excerpt from Pied-Rouge: A Memoir by Claude Boulé

The activities of the Red Foot Brigade must be understood in the context of Europe in 1941. By the summertime, we had not launched any attacks for four months and so the Imperial Police Force announced that they had 'defeated' us. In our day-to-day lives, we were able to sense the genuine belief among the people that they were telling the truth. Whether they were disappointed or glad was less clear. Whether the police truly believed we were gone was even less so.

We were not gone, of course. Some months after the Internationale began their bombing campaign, we received an update from our mainland contact. It contained a request to focus our efforts on intelligence-gathering. It didn't say much else, but it didn't need to. We knew what it meant: war was coming, and soon.

I was under no illusions about our role in all of this. Algeria was, at best, a secondary front in the great conflict that was coming our way. The eager philosophy of socialist politics gave way to the cold calculus of total war. The Imperial state seemed like an unstoppable entity to us, but they were only a blip on the radar of the great powers of Europe.

They were one of many forces arrayed against the Internationale. A true alliance between Algiers and Berlin was prevented by the bitterness of past conflict. Nonetheless, we assumed that if either the German or French empire found itself in combat with the Communal army, the other would seize the opportunity and create a major problem for Metropolitan France and the Internationale in general.

The situation in the western Mediterranean contributed to a general sense of tension. I woke up each morning expecting to see news of continental conflict. The threat of war hung like a specter over daily life in Algeria, as I'm sure it did everywhere else.

It was in this context that every bit of news was analyzed. The progress of the revolution was no longer measured in the number of people living in the free world, but rather how many divisions we were going to have in Europe.

And thus, when news trickled in of the Combined Syndicates' victory in North America, we wondered how many divisions they would be able to ship to Europe when the time came.

The American Red Army and its air arm were second only to the Commune's among socialist states, and so there was some reason to be hopeful.

But questions lingered. Would they be able to adequately protect the sea lanes between Western Europe and North America?

We had high hopes but tempered expectations for our American comrades.

It turned out that our hopes were not high enough.

This Land is Your Land: A Darkest Hour: Kaiserreich AAR

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